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N-3 SS-55 tarixi-Tarix

N-3 SS-55 tarixi-Tarix

N-3 SS-55

N-3
(SS-55: b. 348 (bemaqsad), 414 (subm.), 1. 147'3 "; b. 15'9" dr. 12'6 "; s. 13 k. (Bemaqsad), 11 k. (subm.); 25-band; a. 4 18 "tt. cl. N-1)

N-3 (SS-55) 1915 yil 31-iyulda Sietl qurilish va Drydok kompaniyasi tomonidan qo'yilgan; Miss Berta Kontz homiyligida 1917 yil 21 fevralda ishga tushirilgan; va 1917 yil 26 sentyabrda topshiriq berilgan, podpolkovnik Uilyam R. Munro qo'mondonlik qilgan.

Puget-Sondagi dengiz yo'llaridan keyin NS, N-1 va N-2 singil kemalari bilan 1917 yil 21-noyabrda Navy-Yardni tark etdi. Uchta suv osti kemasi 1918 yil 7-fevralda Nyu-Londonga etib keldi. va Long -Aylenddan tashqarida. 23 iyul kuni ingliz bug 'kemasi N-S ni adashtirdi, chunki Germaniya qayiqchasi unga 50 metr masofada o'q uzdi. 6 dyuymli qobiq bilan urilgan bo'lsa-da, suv osti kemasi ozgina zarar ko'rdi va dengizda ta'mirdan o'tkazilgach, o'z kuchi bilan Nyu-York harbiy-dengiz hovlisiga borishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Doimiy ta'mirdan so'ng, N-3 Nyu-London suv osti kemalari maktabiga qaytdi. 1920 yilgacha patrul va o'quv vazifasi.

1921 yil 1-iyunda Nyu-Londonga jo'nab, N-3 Ogayo shtati Toledo tomon suzib ketdi. Sent -Lourens daryosi va Buyuk ko'llar bo'ylab sayohat qilgan birinchi suv osti kemalaridan biri, u 25 iyun kuni Toledoga kelishidan oldin Halifaks, Kvebek, Monreal va Port -Dalxousiga kirdi. U u erda 11 kun qolib, jamoatchilikka tekshirish uchun ochiq edi. 6 -iyul kuni jo'nab, u Nyu -Londonga qaytib keldi, 20 -iyul kuni keldi va u erdan Sharqiy qirg'oq bo'ylab Halifaksdan Filadelfiyaga yo'l oldi va mashg'ulot kruizlarini o'tkazdi. Yangi Londondan jo'nab, u Filadelfiya harbiy-dengiz hovlisiga suzib ketdi va u erda 1926 yil 30 aprelda ishdan bo'shatildi. 1930 yil 18 dekabrda dengiz floti kemalari reestridan o'chirildi va 1931 yil o'rtalarida parchalanib ketdi.


Ish tarixini SSS veb -saytidan qanday olish mumkin?

Nima uchun SSS veb -saytidan sizning ish tarixingiz kerak? Sizning SSS ish tarixi sizning ish beruvchilaringiz tomonidan talab qilinishi mumkin, ayniqsa siz yangi ishga murojaat qilayotganingizda. Agar siz ham ish beruvchilar sizni qachon o'z xodimlari deb hisoblaganliklarini va SSS Premium -ga o'z hissalarini qo'sha boshlaganlarini bilmoqchi bo'lsangiz, SSS veb -saytidagi ish tarixi ham foydali bo'ladi. Ba'zi elchixonalar Filippindagi bandligingizning isboti sifatida SSS ish tarixi va haqiqiy mukofotlarning nusxasini talab qiladi.

SSS veb -saytida ko'rsatilgan ish tarixi kompaniyada sizning aniq ishga qabul qilish sanangizni ko'rsatmaydi, lekin ma'lum bir ish beruvchida hisobot sanasining oyi va yili.

Tegishli maqolalar

QANDAY ISHLANISH TARIXINI SSS Veb -saytidan tekshirish

SSS veb -sayti Internet Explorer 11 -da eng yaxshi ishlaydi, lekin bu xabar sizga Google Chrome yoki Mozilla Firefox yordamida veb -saytni boshqarishda yordam beradi.

1. Hisob qaydnomangizga kiring www.sss.gov.ph
2. Muvaffaqiyatli kirgandan so'ng, bosing So'rov menyu va siz "" ga yo'naltirilasiz.Xodimlarning statistik ma'lumotlari”Sahifasi. Uchinchi qavat navigatsiyasida "A'zo haqida ma'lumot" ni bosing va keyin tanlang Mehnat tarixi.

3. Sahifada sizning ish tarixingiz ko'rsatiladi. Sizning ish beruvchining identifikatori, ismi, hisobot sanasi va ish kuni ekranda ko'rinadi.

Agar siz ma'lum bir kompaniyada ishlagan bo'lsangiz va u sizning ish tarixingizda ko'rsatilmagan bo'lsa, ehtimol ular sizga xabar bermagan va SSS hissalarini o'tkazmagan. Siz bu haqda eng yaqin SSS filialiga xabar berishingiz va ish joyingiz va ish haqingizni tasdiqlovchi hujjatni taqdim etishingiz mumkin.


Ford N seriyali traktorlar tarixi

O'ttizinchi yillar oxirida 9n Fordlar paydo bo'lganida, ular Amerikadagi eng muhim texnologik o'zgarishlardan biri bo'lgan. Bu kichik traktor fermada erkakning mahsuldorligini oshirdi. Hozirda ko'proq zamonaviy traktorlar mavjud, lekin ular ancha qimmatga tushadi va bu Genri Ford va Garri Fergyusonning g'oyalarini takomillashtirishdir. Vaqt raqobatchilardan ajralib turadigan oddiy gidravlik tizim bo'lib, u har xil biriktirgichlarni amaliy qiladi: teshik qazish mashinalari, tsement aralashtirgichlar, o'rish mashinalari, pichoqlar, qayiqlar, maydalagichlar, shudgorlar, tormozlar va boshqalar. Dvigatel asosan A modelidir. Ford, 20 ot kuchiga teng. Ford "N Series" ning barcha traktorlari antiqa ko'rgazmalarda bo'lishi kerak, chunki ularning yoshi ko'p, lekin ko'pchiligi hozir ham ishlatilmoqda. Bu vaqtda ehtiyot qismlar mavjud. Eski Ford Traktorlardan birini toping va unga uy bering va sizga kerak bo'lganda Just8N -ni unutmang.

9N:
Birinchi Ford 9N rusumli traktor 1939 yilda ishlab chiqarilgan. Unda kompaniyaning o'ziga xos to'rt silindrli dvigateli ishlatilgan, u 3-3/16 x 3-3/4 dyuymli burg'ulash va zarbalarni olib yurgan. 9N traktorining o'ziga xos xususiyati shundaki, u noyob uch nuqtali tizim bilan jihozlangan edi. Fergyuson tizimi bir -biriga bog'langan va gidravlik boshqaruvdan iborat bo'lib, u har xil asbob -uskunalarga qo'llanilishi mumkin edi va 1935 yilda Garri Fergyuson tomonidan 17 yillik muhandislik rivojlanishidan so'ng takomillashtirildi. U kichik fermer xo'jaligi uchun universal traktor sifatida ishlab chiqilgan. 9N deyarli har yili ishlab chiqarishda o'zgarishlarga duch keldi.

2N:
1942 yildan 1947 yilgacha ishlab chiqarilgan Ford 2N traktorining yangi xususiyatlaridan ba'zilari kafanli bosimli radiator va oxirida muhrlangan nurli faralar edi. Urush tufayli barcha rezina buyumlar ratsionga kiritildi, shuning uchun faqat po'lat g'ildiraklar bor edi va batareyadan ko'ra magnitli tizim ishlatilgan. Urush tufayli boshqa o'zgartirishlar kiritildi va keyin o'zgartirildi.

8N:
Ford 2N Ford 8N ga aylandi, u 1947 yilda rasman ishlab chiqarila boshlandi va 1952 yilgacha ishlab chiqarilgan. Fergyuson tizimi uch nuqtali va 4 pog'onali uzatmalar qutisi bilan jihozlangan, Ford 8N modeli eng ko'p sotiladigan odam bo'lishga mo'ljallangan edi. Shimoliy Amerikadagi barcha davrlarning traktori. 8N Ford traktori va 2N va 9N o'rtasidagi boshqa sezilarli farq-bu yangi ikki rangli bo'yash ishi, 2N va 9N tezliklarida 3 tezlik o'rniga 4 tezlikli uzatmalar qutisining kiritilishi va ikkala quvvatning ko'payishi. (PTO) va ot kuchining kuchi. 9N/2N -dan boshqa sezilarli farqlar - bu orqa g'ildiraklardagi oltidan sakkiztagacha o'zgarganligi, kaputning qanotlari va qopqog'idagi "Ford" logotipi, bu skript aslida boshlanmagan. 1950 yil oxirigacha va "Fergyuson tizimi" yamoqchasining yo'qligi, u Ford ovalining tagida ko'rinmas edi, garchi traktor Fergyuson uch nuqtali rishta ishlatgan bo'lsa ham. Genri Ford vafotidan so'ng, Genri Ford II Fordning traktor ishini diqqat bilan ko'rib chiqdi va Ford Motor Company Fergyuson bilan "qo'l siqishish shartnomasi" asosida ishlab chiqarilgan har 9N va 2N seriyali Ford traktorlarida pul yo'qotadi degan xulosaga keldi. Olti yillik 9N va 2N traktor ishlab chiqarishdan so'ng Ford "qo'l siqish shartnomasini" tugatdi. U Fordni traktor bilan qoldirdi, lekin asboblar yo'q edi, Fergyusonda asboblar bor edi, lekin traktor yo'q edi, garchi Fergyuson Angliyada traktor ishlab chiqarishni boshlagan bo'lsa ham, Fords traktorining dizayni va Fordsning barcha sxemalari va texnik xususiyatlari.

NAA:
1952 yil 9 aprelda Garri Fergyuson Ford bilan kelishuv bitimini qabul qildi. Dearborn Motors Fergyusonga patent buzganliklari uchun 9,25 million dollar qaytarib berdi. Ford 1952-yil model yilining oxirigacha Fergyuson suv ombori yonidagi gidravlik nasos yordamida gidravlik tizim ishlab chiqarishni to'xtatishga rozi bo'ldi. 1953 yilda 54 ta Ford NAA rusumli traktor bilan chiqdi. 1953 yil Fordning 50 yilligi edi va ular bu traktorni Genrix II sharafiga Oltin yubiley deb atashdi. Traktor yangi ko'rinishga ega bo'lib, tekis kallakli Model A dvigatelining o'rnini bosadigan klapanli yangi 134CID dvigateliga ega bo'ldi. N seriyali traktorlar ishlab chiqarilishi davomida ko'plab o'zgarishlar va takomillashtirishlar amalga oshirildi.

Ford AQSh 1955-56 yillarda to'rtta modelni chiqardi. "600" va "700" ning har ikkalasida ham 30 ga yaqin HP bor edi, "600" yordamchi yoki shudgorli traktor sifatida o'rnatilgandi, "700" esa erni tozalash balandligi bo'lgan qatorli hosil edi. "800" va "900" ikkalasi ham 40 ot kuchiga ega, "900" qatorli traktor bo'lib xizmat qilgan.

"1" seriyasi:
1957-62 yillar mobaynida Ford seriyaning barcha model raqamlari "1" bilan tugagan. Birinchi & quot; yuzlik joy & evro 'raqami nisbiy kuch va konfiguratsiyani bildirgan. Ikkinchi raqam uzatish, to'xtash va PTO variantlarini ko'rsatdi. "501", "601" va "701" seriyali bir xil 27-29 ot kuchiga ega dvigatelga ega edi. Ammo "501" seriyasi ofsetli, yuqori bo'shliqli traktorlar, "601" seriyasi kommunal konfiguratsiyalar, "701" seriyasi qatorli traktorlar edi. Shunday qilib, agar dehqon 30 ot kuchiga ega qatorli traktorni xohlasa, u "701" seriyasini tanladi va keyin "ikkinchi raqam" variantlarini tanladi. Masalan, "721" to'rt pog'onali uzatmalar qutisiga ega edi, lekin PTO yoki uch nuqtali uzilish yo'q edi. "741" ning uchtasi ham bor edi. Variantlarni tanlash sonining oshishi bilan ortdi. Shunday qilib, "781" da "Select-O-Speed" uzatmasi, ikki tezlikli PTO va uch nuqtali uzilish bor edi. "801" va "901" seriyali yonilg'i turiga qarab 35 va 40 ot kuchiga ega bo'lgan bir xil variantlarga ega edi.

"Ming" seriyasi:
1961 yilda Ford yangi, yuqori quvvatli traktorlar seriyasini o'n yil oxirigacha ko'rdi. Birinchisi, yuqori quvvatli, 60 ot kuchiga ega "6000" modeli edi. Ammo dizayn etarli darajada sinovdan o'tkazilmagan va dvigatel va transmisyon muammolari ishlab chiqilmagan. Ford dizaynni qayta ko'rib chiqdi va traktorni yangi bo'yoq sxemasi bilan qaytadan taqdim etdi. Qizil va oq bo'yoq yo'qoldi va uning o'rniga yangi savdo belgisi ko'k va oq bo'ldi. 1962 yilda qator kengaytirildi, 32 ot kuchiga ega "2000" modeli (Britaniya Dexta asosida) va 40 ot kuchiga ega "5000" modeli (Britaniya Super Majoriga asoslangan). "4000" 1963 yilda 42 ot kuchiga ega bo'lgan.

Traktorni asl holatiga qaytarasizmi yoki uni fermada ishlaysizmi, Just8N sizga tez va do'stona xizmat ko'rsatish bilan bir qatorda sizga professional maslahat berishi mumkin. Biz eng yuqori sifatli ehtiyot qismlarni taklif qilib, biznesda eng past narxlarga ega ekanligimiz bilan faxrlanamiz. Onlayn buyurtma bering yoki Ford traktorining barcha ehtiyojlari uchun bizga 888-355-9937 raqamiga qo'ng'iroq qiling.


Ijtimoiy Havfsizlik

*Sog'liqni saqlash va odamlarga xizmat ko'rsatish bo'limi kotibining idorasi. Qashshoqlikka va uni o'lchashga katta qiziqish bo'lganligi sababli, Bulletin janob Fisherdan qashshoqlik chegaralarining kelib chiqishi haqida maqola yozishni so'radi. Tegishli ma'lumotlar uchun "1992 yil uchun qashshoqlik bo'yicha ko'rsatmalar" va Gordon M. Fisherning "Ijtimoiy xavfsizlik byulleteni, Vol. 55, № 1, 1992 yil bahor, 43 -bet 46.

So'nggi yillarda Qo'shma Shtatlarda qashshoqlikni aniqlash va o'lchashga qiziqish yangidan paydo bo'ldi. 1992 yil boshida Milliy Fanlar Akademiyasi Milliy statistika qo'mitasi Kongress tomonidan so'ralgan 30 oylik tadqiqotni boshladi, u qashshoqlikni o'lchash va tushunish bilan bog'liq statistik muammolarni o'rganishni o'z ichiga oladi. Taxminan 2 yil oldin, 1990 yil yanvar oyida Ma'muriyat iqtisodiy statistika sifatini yaxshilash tashabbusini ma'qulladi. Hozirgi qashshoqlik o'lchovi bu tashabbus doirasida o'rganilgan o'nlab statistik qatorlardan biri edi. 1990 yil aprelda Urban instituti iqtisodchisi Patrisiya Ruggles qashshoqlik chegarasini qayta ko'rib chiqishni talab qilib, hayot tarzining o'zgarishi va hayotning minimal darajasiga mos keladigan kontseptsiyalarni aks ettirishga chaqirdi. 1990 yil iyul oyida kambag'allar va keksalar bilan shug'ullanadigan ikkita xususiy tashkilot 2 -hisobotni e'lon qildi, unda qashshoqlikni o'lchashning amaldagi tartib -qoidalari ko'rib chiqilgan va Gallup so'rovnomasi tasvirlangan bo'lib, unda amerikaliklarning milliy vakili namuna kambag'allik chegarasi uchun o'rtacha dollar ko'rsatkichini belgilagan. hozirgi rasmiy qashshoqlik chegarasi. Bu va boshqa misollarni hisobga olgan holda, hozirgi rasmiy qashshoqlik chegaralarining rivojlanishi va keyingi tarixini qayta ko'rib chiqish foydali bo'lishi mumkin.

Qashshoqlik chegaralari - bu qashshoqlik bo'yicha federal chora -tadbirlarning asosiy versiyasi va № 173 - boshqa versiya - qashshoqlik bo'yicha qo'llanma. Chegaralar hozirgi vaqtda aholini ro'yxatga olish byurosi tomonidan chiqariladi va odatda statistik maqsadlarda ishlatiladi, masalan, qashshoqlikdagi odamlarning sonini aniqlash va ularni turar joy, irq va boshqa ijtimoiy, iqtisodiy va demografik xususiyatlar bo'yicha tabulyatsiya qilish. Boshqa tomondan, qashshoqlik bo'yicha ko'rsatma 4, Sog'liqni saqlash va odamlarga xizmat ko'rsatish boshqarmasi tomonidan chiqariladi va ma'muriy maqsadlar uchun ishlatiladi, masalan, shaxs yoki oilaning moliyaviy yordam yoki xizmat ko'rsatishga ma'lum federal dasturlarga muvofiqligini aniqlash uchun.

Qashshoqlik chegaralarining rivojlanishi

Qashshoqlik chegaralari 1963 yilda ishlab chiqilgan. 64 Ijtimoiy ta'minot idorasida ishlaydigan iqtisodchi Molli Orshanskiy. Orshanskiy keyinroq aytganidek, uning asosiy maqsadi qashshoqlikning yangi umumiy o'lchovini joriy etish emas, balki 5, demografik guruhlarning iqtisodiy ahvoli pastligi (yoki kengroq aytganda, imkoniyatlar farqlari) nisbiy xavfini baholash chorasini ishlab chiqish edi. bolali oilalar. 6 U haqiqatan ham qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasining iqtisodiy oziq -ovqat rejasidan kelib chiqadigan va kam xarajatli oziq -ovqat rejasidan kelib chiqqan kambag'allik chegaralarining ikkita to'plamini ishlab chiqdi. U bolali oilalar uchun bu chegaralarning boshlang'ich versiyasini faqat 1963 yil 6 -iyuldagi izohda keltirilgan maqolada tasvirlab berdi. U 1965 yil yanvar oyidagi maqolasida qarindosh bo'lmagan shaxslar va bolasiz oilalar uchun chegaralarni o'z ichiga olgan kengaytirilgan pol qiymatini tahlil qilib e'lon qildi. .7

Jonson ma'muriyati o'z qashshoqlikka qarshi urushini 1964 yil yanvar oyida e'lon qildi, ko'p o'tmay Orshanskiyning qashshoqlik haqidagi maqolasi e'lon qilindi. 1964 yildagi Iqtisodiy maslahatchilar kengashining hisobotida Amerikadagi qashshoqlik haqida bo'lim bor edi. 8 Bo'limda qarindosh bo'lmagan shaxslar uchun har xil kattalikdagi oilalar uchun 3000 dollar (1962 dollarda) kambag'allik chegarasi belgilandi, bobda 1500 dollarlik kambag'allik chegarasi aniq belgilandi (bu tanlov qisqa vaqt ichida aniq bo'ldi). 3000 AQSh dollari ko'rsatkichi soliq solishdan oldingi yillik pul daromadlari asosida aniqlangan. "Daromadlar va daromadlar" hisob -kitoblarini ishlatishning nazariy maqsadga muvofiqligi to'g'risida qisqacha munozaralar bo'lib o'tdi, shu jumladan pul bo'lmagan elementlar, masalan, egasining uy -joylarini ijaraga berish qiymati va fermer xo'jaliklarida yig'ilgan va iste'mol qilingan oziq -ovqat. CEA bo'limida pul mablag'lari va pulsiz daromadlarning umumiy miqdori naqd pulga to'g'ri keladi-­ daromadi faqat 3000 dollarlik qashshoqlik chegarasi 3000 dollardan biroz yuqori bo'ladi. 9

CEA bobida Orshanskiyning 1963 yil iyuldagi maqolasi va uning 3165 dollarlik & iqtisodiy rejasi va to'rt kishilik fermer bo'lmagan oila uchun qashshoqlik chegarasi haqida so'z yuritilgan. & quotBoshqa tadqiqotlar turli xil savatchalardan foydalangan, ularning aksariyati qimmatroq. Balansda, ular barcha manbalardan yillik pul daromadi 3000 dollar bo'lgan oilani chegara sifatida ishlatishni qo'llab -quvvatlaydilar. . . & quot 10 Bu parcha ba'zi odamlarni CEAning 3 ming dollarlik qashshoqlik chegarasi katta yoki kichik darajada Orshanskiyning 3165 dollarlik qashshoqlik chegarasidan kelib chiqqan deb o'ylashga undadi. Biroq, Robert Lampman (CEA xodimlari a'zosi) Orshanskiyning birinchi maqolasi nashr etilishidan bir necha oy oldin, 1963 yil bahorining boshida $ 3000 va $ 173 dan foydalanib, qashshoqlikni tahlil qilish ustida ishlagan. Buning o'rniga, 3000 dollarlik ko'rsatkich eng kam ish haqi darajasi, oilalar federal daromad solig'ini to'lashi kerak bo'lgan daromad darajasi va davlat yordami to'lovlari darajasi kabi omillarni hisobga olgan holda konsensus tanlovi bo'ldi. 12

Orshanskiy CEA hisobotining qashshoqlik chegarasini oila kattaligiga moslashtira olmaganidan xavotirda edi, bu esa qashshoqlikdagi bolalar sonini qariyalarga nisbatan kamayishiga olib keldi. Bu uni 1965 yil yanvar oyida "Ijtimoiy xavfsizlik byulletenlari" maqolasi bilan yakunlangan ishni boshlashga undadi, bu esa qashshoqlikning ikkita chegarasini "iqtisodiy daraja" va "past narxlar darajasida" butun aholiga uzaytirdi. Bu maqola Iqtisodiy imkoniyatlar byurosi (OEO) tashkil etilayotganda paydo bo'ldi. OEO 1965 yil may oyida qashshoqlikning ishchi yoki kvazalik rasmiy ta'rifi sifatida Orshanskiyning kambag'allik chegaralaridan ikki baravar past (& quot; iqtisodiy daraja & quot; ni) qabul qildi. Quyida aytib o'tilganidek, chegaralar Federal hukumatning qashshoqlikning rasmiy statistik ta'rifi sifatida 1969 yil avgustda belgilandi.

Orshanskiy kambag'allik chegaralarini standart byudjet sifatida ishlab chiqmagan, ya'ni ma'lum miqdordagi va tarkibdagi oila farovonlikning belgilangan darajasida yashashi kerak bo'lgan tovarlar va xizmatlar ro'yxati, ularning oylik yoki yillik xarajatlari. 13 Agar umrbod qabul qilinadigan minimal ehtiyoj standartlari hayotning barcha asosiy yoki ko'p qismi (masalan, uy -joy, tibbiy xizmat, kiyim -kechak va transport) uchun mavjud bo'lganida, byudjetning standart usuli xarajatlarni hisobga olgan holda qo'llanilishi mumkin edi. standartlar va xarajatlarni qo'shish. Ammo, oziq -ovqat sohasidan tashqari, o'sha paytda ham, bugungi kunda ham asosiy iste'mol qilinadigan mahsulotlarga minimal ehtiyojning aniq va qabul qilingan standartlari mavjud emas edi.

Qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasi tomonidan tayyorlangan oziq -ovqat rejalari Orshanskiy chegaralarni ishlab chiqishda ishlatgan oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining "umumiy qabul qilingan va muvofiqlik standartlari" edi. O'sha paytda to'rtta oziq -ovqat rejasi bor edi, ular quyidagi xarajatlar darajasida edi: liberal, o'rtacha, arzon narxlar va iqtisod. Birinchi uchta reja 1933 yilda, iqtisodiy oziq -ovqat rejasi 1961 yilda ishlab chiqilgan va joriy qilingan. Ikkinchi rejaning asosini qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasi 1955 yildagi uy xo'jaliklarining oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini iste'mol qilish tadqiqotidan olgan. Orshanskiy kambag'allik chegaralarining ikkita chegarasini ishlab chiqishda oziq -ovqatning arzon va iqtisodiy rejalarini qo'lladi: 15

Daromadlar uchdan bir qismidan past bo'lgan oilalarning oziq -ovqat mahsulotlariga moslashtirilgan arzon narxlar rejasi ko'p yillar davomida ijtimoiy ta'minot agentliklari tomonidan muhtoj oilalarga va oziq -ovqat narxini pasaytirmoqchi bo'lganlarga oziq -ovqat ajratish uchun asos sifatida ishlatilgan. Biroq, tez -tez, davlat yordamini oladigan oilalar uchun haqiqiy oziq -ovqat nafaqasi arzon narxlar rejasidan kam edi. Ushbu oziq -ovqat rejasida tavsiya etilgan miqdordagi mablag 'sarflanishi, hech qanday holatda, parhez etarli bo'lishini kafolatlamaydi. . . .Yaqinda Qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasi & quot; iqtisodiyot & quot; oziq-ovqat rejasini chiqara boshladi, uning narxi past-­- xarajatlar rejasidan faqat 75 ­-80 foizgacha, & quot; mablag 'kam bo'lganda & quot; vaqtincha yoki favqulodda foydalanish uchun. & Quot; . Oziq -ovqat rejasi, ovqatdan tashqari yoki uydan uzoqda bo'lgan boshqa taomlar uchun qo'shimcha to'lovni o'z ichiga olmaydi. 16

Aniqroq aytganda, chegaralarni ishlab chiqishda ikkita oziq -ovqat rejasidagi oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining dollar xarajatlari ishlatilgan. Garchi ikkala rejadagi haqiqiy ovqatlar to'liq to'yimli dietani ta'minlagan bo'lsa -da, iqtisodiyotning oziq -ovqat rejasining dollarga tushadigan darajasida oziq -ovqat uchun sarflaydigan oilalar, adolatli yoki yaxshiroq ovqatlanishda 2 tasida 1 ta imkoniyatga ega bo'lishgan, lekin 10 ta ovqatlanishda faqat 1 ta imkoniyat. yaxshi ovqatlanish. 17

Orshanskiy oilaning oziq -ovqat narxidan oilaning barcha ehtiyojlari uchun minimal xarajatlarga o'tishda uchta qadamni bajargan: (1) oziq -ovqat xarajatlari hisoblanadigan oila kattaligi va tarkibi prototiplarini aniqlash, (2) miqdori to'g'risida qaror qabul qilish. oziq -ovqatdan boshqa mahsulotlarga ruxsat berish uchun qo'shimcha daromad va (3) fermer xo'jaliklarining pul ehtiyojlarini taqqoslanadigan fermer xo'jaliklari oilalari bilan bog'lash.

Farzandli oilalarning iqtisodiy ahvoliga alohida qiziqish va daromad talablari oiladagi odamlar soniga bog'liq bo'lganligi sababli, Orshanskiy ikki a'zodan etti yoki undan ko'p oilaviy bo'lmagan oilalar uchun oziq -ovqat xarajatlarini alohida baholadi. Oilalar, shuningdek, 18 yoshga to'lmagan bolalari bo'lgan jinsi va qarindoshlari soni bo'yicha tasniflangan. Uch kishilik oilalar orasida quyidagi toifadagi alohida toifalar mavjud edi: uchta kattalar - ikkita kattalar, bitta bola va bitta kattalar. , ikki bola.

Ikki kishilik oilalar, shuningdek, yoshi bo'yicha 65 yoshgacha va 65 yoshdan katta oilalarga bo'linadi. 18 Eng kichik o'lchamdagi keksa birliklarga olib keladigan kambag'allik chegaralari, keksa va qariyalar bo'lmagan ikki kishilik oilalar uchun alohida kichik toifalarga ega bo'lishning mexanik natijasi, shuningdek, keksa oilalar uchun oziq-ovqat rejasi xarajatlari o'sha yoshdagilarnikidan past bo'lgan. nogiron oilalar uchun. Orshanskiy keksalar uchun zarur bo'lgan oziq -ovqat bo'lmagan xarajatlar nogironlarga qaraganda kam yoki kam bo'lishi kerakligini da'vo qilmagan. Quyida aytib o'tilganidek, bir -biriga bog'liq bo'lmagan shaxslar uchun kambag'allik chegaralari (bir kishilik birliklar) oziq -ovqat rejasi xarajatlaridan kelib chiqmagan, ular to'g'ridan -to'g'ri ikki kishilik oilalar uchun hisoblangan.

Orshanskiy tomonidan tuzilgan oilaviy bo'lmagan oilalar uchun oziq -ovqat rejasi xarajatlarini hisoblash murakkab jarayon edi. Oziq -ovqat rejalarida har xil yoshdagi 19 toifadagi odamlar uchun oziq -ovqat narxining alohida ko'rsatkichlari ko'rsatilgan. 19 Biroq, har bir oilaning kichik toifasida odamlarning yoshi va jinsi bo'yicha taqsimlanishini ko'rsatadigan ma'lumotlar katta darajada mavjud emas edi. U 1960 yilgi o'n yillik ro'yxatga olish ma'lumotlarini tarqatishdan foydalangan va ro'yxatga olish ma'lumotlarini tarqatishda ko'rsatilmagan oila a'zolarining xususiyatlari to'g'risida qo'shimcha taxminlar qilgan. Bolali oilalarning har bir kichik toifasi uchun bolalarning yoshi kombinatsiyasi tanlandi, bu oziq -ovqat narxini o'sha kichik toifadagi (simulyatsiya qilingan) oilalarning uchdan ikki qismidan yuqori bo'lgan. & quot; Yoshi oshgani sayin bolalarga oziq -ovqat mahsulotlariga bo'lgan talab tez o'sib borayotgani va oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining narxi ancha past bo'lganligi sababli, o'sayotgan o'smirlar uchun zarur bo'lgan nafaqani ta'minlash uchun bu himoya zarur deb topildi. iqtisodiyot va arzon narxlardagi oziq -ovqat rejalari uchun.

Oziq -ovqat rejasi xarajatlaridan hamma narsaga minimal xarajatlar smetasini olish uchun, Orshanskiy Engel qonuni deb nomlangan iqtisodiy printsipdan foydalangan, bu daromadning "kerakli narsalarga", xususan, oziq -ovqat mahsulotlariga ajratilganligini ko'rsatadi. iqtisodiy farovonlik. 21 Orshanskiy bu qonunni oilalar (uch va undan ortiq kishilar) ekvivalent darajaga, faqat to'g'ri ovqatlanishni sotib olish uchun zarur bo'lgan daromadlar ulushi teng bo'lgan taqdirda, qo'llagan deb hisoblab, ishlatgan.

Oziq -ovqat mahsulotlariga sarflanishi kerak bo'lgan umumiy daromadning ulushini aniqlash uchun, Orshanskiy qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasining uy xo'jaliklarining oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini iste'mol qilish tadqiqotidan foydalangan, bu taxminan 10 yillik interval bilan o'tkazilgan. 1955 yildagi eng so'rovnoma shuni ko'rsatdiki, uch yoki undan ortiq kishilardan iborat oilalar uchun bir hafta mobaynida uy ichida ham, tashqarisida ham ishlatilgan barcha oziq -ovqat mahsulotlariga o'rtacha xarajatlar soliqlardan keyingi o'rtacha daromadlarining uchdan bir qismini tashkil qilgan. (E'tibor bering, bu topilma har qanday daromad darajasidagi oilalarga taalluqli, faqat past darajadagi oilalarga tegishli emas, balki chegaralar bo'yicha qilingan eng keng tarqalgan xatolardan biri, ular & quot; kambag'al odamlar o'z daromadlarining uchdan bir qismini oziq -ovqat uchun sarflaydi. . & quot)

Qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasining 1955 yildagi uy xo'jaliklari oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini iste'mol qilish bo'yicha so'rovini ko'rib chiqish bilan bir qatorda, Mehnat statistikasi byurosining (BLS) 1960-61 yillardagi iste'molchilar xarajatlari tadqiqotini ham ko'rib chiqdi, u shuningdek oziq-ovqatga tushadigan soliq tushumidan keyingi jami ulushini hisoblab chiqdi. Qashshoqlik o'lchovini olish uchun BLS so'rovidan foydalanish "ko'paytirish" va uchtadan emas, balki to'rtdan ko'prog'iga olib keladi. Biroq, BLS tomonidan har yili iste'mol qilinadigan oziq -ovqat xarajatlari to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlarni olish uchun ishlatiladigan savollar, qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasi so'rovida ishlatilgan bir hafta ichida iste'mol qilingan oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini nazorat qilish ro'yxatiga qaraganda, o'rtacha xarajatlar pastroq bo'lgan. 22 Nihoyat, Orshanskiy qashshoqlik chegaralarini ishlab chiqishda Qishloq xo'jaligi boshqarmasi so'rovini, oziq -ovqat xarajatlarining soliqdan keyingi daromadlarga nisbati birdan uchgacha bo'lgan daromaddan foydalanishga qaror qildi.

Orshanskiy oziq-ovqat xarajatlarini "o'rtacha daromad" ni taxmin qilib, daromadining uchdan bir qismini oziq-ovqatga sarflashdan boshlagan. 23 U oila oziq -ovqat va oziq -ovqat bo'lmagan xarajatlarini xuddi shu nisbatda qisqartirishi mumkin deb taxmin qildi. Bu taxmin, albatta, soddalashtirilgan taxmin yoki birinchi taxmin edi. Bu taxminga ko'ra, oila xarajatlarining uchdan bir qismi umumiy xarajatlarini qancha qisqartirgan bo'lsa ham, oziq -ovqatga to'g'ri keladi.

Gipotetik oila oziq -ovqat xarajatlarini shu darajadagi oila uchun iqtisodiy oziq -ovqat rejasi (yoki arzon oziq -ovqat rejasi) narxiga tenglashtiradigan darajada kamaytirganda, oila oziq -ovqat xarajatlari belgilangan darajaga etgan bo'lardi. & quot; uy bekasi ehtiyotkor xaridor, mohir oshpaz va yaxshi menejer bo'ladi deb faraz qilsa, & quot; Orshanskiy o'sha paytda oilaning oziq -ovqat bo'lmagan xarajatlari ham bo'ladi deb taxmin qilgan. minimal, lekin etarli darajada bo'lishi va shu darajadagi oila uchun kambag'allik chegarasi sifatida umumiy xarajatlar darajasini aniqladi. Oilaning oziq -ovqat xarajatlari hali ham uning umumiy xarajatlarining uchdan bir qismini tashkil etar edi, bu shuni anglatadiki, (uch va undan ortiq kishilik oilalar uchun) ma'lum bir kattalik va tarkibga ega bo'lgan oila uchun kambag'allik chegarasi iqtisodiy oziq -ovqat narxidan uch baravar ko'p bo'lgan. bunday oila uchun reja (yoki arzon ovqatlanish rejasi). Oziq -ovqat rejasining qiymati uch barobar ko'paytirilib, "ko'paytiruvchi" deb nomlandi

Shuni ta'kidlash kerakki, Orshanskiyning "chegaralarni ko'paytirish" metodologiyasi me'yoriy edi, empirik emas, balki umuman olganda (1955) aholining iste'mol qilish modellarini nazarda tutgan. daromad guruhlari.

Kichik oila bo'linmalari duch keladigan nisbatan katta xarajatlarga ruxsat berish uchun bir kishilik va ikki kishilik birliklar uchun kambag'allik chegaralarini hisoblash uchun turli xil protseduralar qo'llanilgan. Orshanskiyning ta'kidlashicha, so'nggi iste'mol egri chiziqlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, bitta va ikki kishilik oilaviy birliklar, bir guruhdan ko'ra, tarkibi bir hil bo'lib, katta oilalar bilan xarajatlar tartibiga ko'ra "chiziqli" ko'rinadi. 25 va 195 kishilik oilalar uchun 1955 yildagi uy xo'jaliklarining oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini iste'mol qilish bo'yicha so'rovida oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarining umumiy miqdori soliqqa tortilgandan keyin 0,27 ga teng bo'lib, qashshoqlik chegaralarini olish uchun 0,27 yoki 3,7 ko'paytmasi ishlatilgan. ikki kishilik oila uchun.

Bog'liq bo'lmagan shaxslar uchun qashshoqlik chegaralarini olish uchun (bir kishilik birlik), ko'paytirgich ishlatilmadi. Orshanskiyning ta'kidlashicha, qarindosh bo'lmagan odamlar uchun iste'mol ma'lumotlarini talqin qilish qiyin, chunki keksa odamlarning vakillari alohida ko'rsatilmagan. Oziq -ovqat narxining pastligidan kelib chiqadigan qashshoqlik chegaralari uchun, aloqasi bo'lmagan shaxslar uchun chegaralar ikki kishilik oila uchun tegishli chegaralarning 72 foizi etib belgilandi. & Quot; Iqtisodiy darajadagi qashshoqlik uchun & quot; qashshoqlik ta'rifi, iqtisodiyotning oziq -ovqat rejasidan kelib chiqqan holda, bugungi kunda ham amalda, aloqasi yo'q shaxslar uchun chegaralar ikki kishilik oila uchun mos keladigan chegaralarning 80 foizini tashkil qilgan. Bu protsedura, daromad qancha kam bo'lsa, bir kishi uchun uy -joy va kommunal xizmatlar kabi xarajatlarni er -xotin uchun minimal xarajatlardan pastga tushirish shunchalik qiyin bo'ladi, degan asosga asoslangan edi. E'tibor bering, 80 foizlik omil erkaklar, yoshi ulg'aymagan, urg'ochi yoshli va qarindosh bo'lmagan qarindoshlar uchun alohida chegaralarni (& quot; iqtisodiy daraja & quot;) olish uchun ishlatilgan. Biroq, bir kishi va ikki kishilik birliklar uchun har xil og'irlik omillari ta'sir qilganligi sababli, bir kishilik birlik uchun o'rtacha o'rtacha kambag'allik chegarasi ikki kishilik birlik uchun o'rtacha og'irlikning o'rtacha og'irligining 80 foiziga teng emas.

58 toifadagi fermer bo'lmagan oilalar va 4 toifadagi xo'jaliklar bilan bog'liq bo'lmagan shaxslar uchun har bir oziq -ovqat rejasi bo'yicha qashshoqlik chegaralarini hisoblab chiqqan Orshanskiy, fermer bo'lmagan oilaviy birliklar uchun 62 ta batafsil qashshoqlik chegarasiga ega edi. 1955 yildagi uy xo'jaliklarining oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarini iste'mol qilish tadqiqotiga ko'ra, barcha fermer oilalari iste'mol qiladigan oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining 40 foizga yaqini, ularni sotib olgan har bir oila to'lagan narxda, naqd pulga emas, balki o'z fermasi yoki bog'idan kelgan. Bundan tashqari, Orshanskiy ta'kidlaganidek, fermer xo'jaliklari odatda fermer xo'jaligining bir qismi sifatida nafaqat oziq -ovqatining bir qismini, balki uy -joyining ko'p qismini ham hisoblashi mumkin edi. 26 Qishloq xo'jaligi oilalari iste'mol qilingan oziq -ovqat mahsulotlarining atigi 60 foizini naqd pulga sotib olgani va fermer xo'jaliklari uchun uy -joy xarajatlarini fermer xo'jaligi faoliyatining bir qismi sifatida tasniflash masalasi tufayli, Orshanskiy fermerlarning kambag'allik chegaralarini tegishli fermer xo'jaliklari chegaralarining 60 foiziga belgilashga qaror qildi. . 27 (quyida qayd etilganidek, bu ko'rsatkich 1965 yilda Iqtisodiy imkoniyatlar byurosi 70 foizga o'zgartirilganda, 1969 yilda 85 foizga, 1981 yilda 100 foizga (ya'ni, differentsial o'chirilgan) o'zgartirildi.)

Shuni ta'kidlash kerakki, Orshanskiyning fermer xo'jaligi/qishloq xo'jaligidan farqi qishloq/shahar (yoki metropoliten/poytaxt bo'lmagan) farqi bilan bir xil emas edi. Masalan, 1970 yil aprel oyida o'tkazilgan o'n yillik ro'yxatga olish natijalariga ko'ra, qishloq aholisining 53,9 millioni, faqat 10,6 millioni (19,7 foizi) fermer xo'jaliklarida yashagan. Qishloq xo'jaligidan tashqari kambag'allik chegaralari qishloq aholisiga ham, shahar aholisiga ham qo'llanildi. Shuni ham ta'kidlash joizki, fermer xo'jaliklari/fermer xo'jaliklarining farqlanishining sababi umumlashtirilgan emas edi va yashash xarajatlari fermer xo'jaliklarida yoki qishloqlarda arzonroq & quot; bahs.

Qishloq xo'jaliklari bo'lmagan oilalar uchun 62 ta qashshoqlik chegarasi va 62 ta fermer xo'jaliklari uchun batafsil chegaralar bilan, Orshanskiy har ikki darajadagi (iqtisodiyot va arzon narx) har birida 124 ta batafsil chegaraga ega edi. 248 ta alohida daromadlar sonining jadvalli taqdimotini amalga oshirish o'rniga, u kichikroq o'rtacha og'irlik chegaralarini taqdim etishga qaror qildi (1 -jadval).

E'tibor bering, 1963 kalendar yili har doim qashshoqlik chegaralari uchun asosiy yil bo'lib kelgan, 1969 yilda qayta ko'rib chiqilishidan oldin ham, keyin ham. 1959 yoki 1967 yillar serialning asosiy yili bo'lganligi haqidagi da'volar tushunmovchiliklardan kelib chiqadi. 1969 yilgacha, chegaralar har yili dekabrgacha va 173 -dekabrga qadar iqtisodiyotning aholi jon boshiga to'g'ri keladigan oziq -ovqat narxining o'zgarishi narxining o'zgarishi uchun yangilanadi. 28

Qashshoqlik chegaralari daromadlarning noaniqligi o'lchovi sifatida taqdim etildi, agar "qancha etarli" deb aniq aytish mumkin bo'lmasa, ishonch bilan aytish mumkinki, o'rtacha qancha, juda oz.

Orshanskiy o'zining kambag'allik chegaralarini "qashshoqlikning nisbiy mutlaq" o'lchovi sifatida aniq ta'riflagan, chunki ular umuman AQSh aholisining iste'mol qilish tartibini (ma'lum bir vaqtda) ishlatgan hisob -kitoblar asosida ishlab chiqilgan. Qashshoqlikning nisbiy va mutlaq ta'riflari o'rtasidagi dichotomiyada, aniq & quot; mutlaq & quot; ta'rifining muhim xususiyatlaridan biri shundaki, u umuman aholining iste'mol qilish tartibi va daromad darajasiga hech qanday havola qilinmasdan olingan. 31 However, although the poverty thresholds were not a purely absolute measure, they were also quite clearly not a purely relative measure, such as the 50­-percent of median income measure proposed by Britain's Peter Townsend in 1962 and (in the United States) by Victor Fuchs in 1965. 32

When Orshansky was developing the poverty thresholds, the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey (CPS) was the only good source of nationally representative income data. Accordingly, Orshansky had to apply her poverty thresholds to the CPS income data, even though the CPS used a before­-tax money income concept, while the thresholds had been developed on the basis of the after tax money income concept used in the Agriculture Department survey from which the multiplier was derived. From the beginning, Orshansky was aware of the inconsistency of applying after tax thresholds to before tax income data, but there was no other alternative. She reasoned that the result would yield "a conservative underestimate" of poverty. At that time, and for some years thereafter, most families and individuals at the poverty level had little or no Federal income tax liability.


Chevy Engine History - The History Of Chevrolet, Part X

Editor's note - Heading into the new century, we felt compelled to take a look back at what will undoubtedly be one of the 20th century's biggest contributions to daily life-the automobile. Of course, Super Chevy looks at the history of the automobile through the eyes of the Chevrolet enthusiast. The following is the tenth in a series that will run throughout the year 2000 and cover the highlights of Chevrolet-from the creation of a company at a time when 270 other companies were vying for buyers of new automobiles, to the present day, when the competition is limited to just a handful of serious automobile makers. Much of the information is taken straight from Chevrolet sources, and some will be from the pages of this magazine's more than 25 years as "The # 1 Chevrolet Enthusiast's Magazine."

Chevy Engines Through Time
When Chevrolet began building vehicles, they were powered by a 299ci, six-cylinder engine. These automobiles could reach a top speed of 65 mph "without taxing themselves," and accelerated from zero to 50 in an "astounding" 15 seconds. By today's standards this isn't too impressive, but at the time Chevrolet was one of the fastest vehicles on the road.

In the early years, there was a great deal of research and development dedicated to coming up with a powerful engine that could be produced for a reasonable price. Chevy's first V-8 engine was released in 1917. The 90-degree overhead-valve design debuted in the D-series, the last of the original long-wheelbase cars. The eight-cylinder lasted only two years, as Chevrolet dropped these "large" powerplants to develop four-cylinder versions. It would be 1929 before a six-cylinder reappeared, and a V-8 wouldn't be available again until the introduction of the legendary small-block in 1955, 36 years later.

New engine technology-including "copper-cooled" models-was explored during Chevy's first decade. These were superior vehicles with air-cooled engines instead of the traditional liquid-cooled models. The engine was the smallest in Chevrolet history a diminutive 135 cubic inches with a miniscule 20 horsepower. The experiment was brief the engine was plagued with production problems and was scrapped after only 759 units were built-yet it was a bold move by a growing automaker willing to take chances in an oft-skeptical market. Another attempt at air-cooling would take place 37 years later with the '60 Corvair.

By 1925, Chevrolet was considering the use of six-cylinders again. Having just designed a small six for the Oakland division, Chevrolet realized it would have to maintain the corporate advertising image, "Valve-in-Head, Ahead in Value." The valve-in-head "Stovebolt Six" resulted: 3.2 liters big and 46 horsepower strong.

At first, the industry looked upon this six with doubt. Manufacturers were heading toward using aluminum to save weight, but Chevrolet made the decision to persevere with iron. The engine was derided as the "Cast-Iron Wonder," and the "Stovebolt Six" moniker was originally meant to mock the engine. But it gained respect for its durability and easy-to-service features in both cars and trucks. Advertised as, "A Six for the Price of a Four" in 1929 models, the "Stovebolt Six" was better, more powerful, and in the same price range as the previous year's four-cylinder.

A "power war" was developing between the major auto companies during the mid-'30s: Ford's V-8 versus the six-cylinder engines from Chevrolet and Chrysler. To battle Ford's horsepower and top speed claims, Chevrolet introduced a new high-compression design, the "Blue Flame" Six, in 1934. It generated 15 more horsepower than previous sixes without increasing engine displacement. Chevrolet promoted the achievement by advertising "80 horsepower at 80 miles per hour," the only time in Chevy history that top speed was advertised.

Ford was pumping the market with V-8 engines during this time, and Chevy developed a new four-main-bearing six for its 1937 cars and trucks. The Chevy engine produced as much horsepower as the Ford, but with better economy (estimated 15 to 18 mpg).

In 1950, Chevy introduced a more powerful "Blue Flame" Six (with 235 cubic inches), and 300,000 Chevrolet cars equipped with "Powerglide" models were sold the first year. a record production year in which a whopping 2,108,273 Chevrolets were built!

As most Chevy enthusiasts know, the '55 Chevy made a huge impact on the automotive market when it showed up, and much of that impact came from the all-new 265-inch V-8 engine under the hood. An engineering milestone, the small-block almost instantly changed the poky image that Chevrolet had earned with its Stovebolt six. The new V-8 was peppy, smooth, tough, compact, and, unlike competitors' V-8 powerplants, it was light. The mouse motor, as it became known as, made big strides in its first few years, jumping from a 180 hp top offering in '55 to 225 available ponies the next year. Optional fuel injection in '57 helped a bigger, 283-inch small-block hit the magical, one-horsepower-per-cubic-inch mark. This made screamers out of both fullsize Chevys and Corvettes, and it certainly caught the attention of hot rodders, who soon started swapping small-blocks into just about every kind of car imaginable.

Chevrolet offered an all-new engine for 1958-the W-block 348 (which would eventually grow into the famed 409). Paired with the year-old Turboglide transmission, the 348 looked good on paper especially the 315hp version equipped with three two-barrel carbs. But most 348s could still be regularly outrun by the lighter, high-winding 283s. It would take a few more cubic inches before these early "big-blocks" would earn more performance respect.

The '59s were most notable under the hood, where an optional V-8 engine produced up to 315 bhp. This "burner" thrived during the "more power" competition between the manufacturers.

The SS Impala and its optional 409-cid V-8 quickly proved itself on the performance circuit. One of the first cars equipped with this new powerhouse blew away the competition at the 1961 Winternationals Drag Racing Championships, held in Pomona, California. In fact, the 409, coupled with a four-speed transmission and some handling extras, placed the Impala SS among the world's fastest automobiles at the time. For 1962, the SS package could be combined with an even gutsier, dual-quad, 409-horse 409.

An innovative departure from the crowd was introduced on the Corvair. An air-cooled, rear-mounted six-cylinder "pancake" engine powered the car (the first air-cooled Chevy since the mostly experimental 1923 copper-cooled model). Another compact car was the Monza Spyder a 150-horse, turbocharged "mover" that could outrun any Ford Falcon or Plymouth Valiant of the day.

Throughout the '60s the inline six remained popular, but it was the small-block V-8s that really came into their own. Fuel-injected 327s making up to 360 hp were highlights of the next generation of Corvettes, the Sting Rays. Carbureted 327s found their way into the '65-67 Nova SSs. The '66 Nova SS, when equipped with the available 350hp (L79) version of the 327 "Turbo-Fire" V-8, was one of the hottest performers in the compact class. In 1967, the most popular configuration of the small-block V-8, the 350, made its debut. It found a welcome home in the newly introduced Camaro.

Of course, a new generation of big-block V-8s made a big impact in the '60s as well. The 396 made its debut in 1965, and was a standout performer in Corvette trim, pumping out 425 hp. A 375-horse version made it into a select few '65 Chevelles (Z-16s), and by '66 the SS396 package was a big seller in the Chevelle line. A larger, 427-inch big-block added more heat to the 'Vette that year, paving the way for the legendary L88 the following few years. The big-block eventually grew to 454 cubic inches, and by 1970 cranked out 450 hp in LS6 trim.

For 1971, ratings would be displayed as "net" horsepower, rather than the brawny "bhp," or brake horsepower ratings that had been performance benchmarks. The plummeting numbers began to reflect the awakening of energy conservation an awareness that would increase dramatically in this new decade. In addition, the 1973 oil embargo caused gas prices to double within two years. Suddenly, fuel economy was important. very important. Fuel concerns led to smaller, more efficient cars.

Though the big-motored behemoths were gone from the dealerships, performance was still on the minds of more than just a few buyers. The second-generation Chevrolet subcompact-Monza-evolved in 1975 as a sporty offshoot of the Vega platform. A front-engine, rear-drive hatchback, Monza provided smaller engines for the energy-conscious, yet offered optional V-8 power for those still wanting punch under the hood. In fact, its 262-cid V-8 was the smallest eight-cylinder in Chevrolet history.

The Chevy Sprint, a unique three-cylinder minicar, was introduced on the West Coast in 1984, and was the smallest car to ever wear a Bow-Tie. Imported from Suzuki Motor in Japan, Sprint economy was so outstanding that it became the fuel-miser champ in 1986 when the "ER" arrived-EPA-rated at of 55 mpg city and 60 mpg highway. (There was even a sporty limited production turbo version, a founding member of the now-burgeoning sport compact car craze.)

Chevrolet introduced the special Corvette ZR-1 in 1990. Designed in a cooperative effort between General Motors and Lotus, the LT5 V-8 engine sported four cams and 32 valves, producing 375 horsepower. 1993 marked a number of upgrades and improvements. The outstanding Corvette ZR-1 received a refined LT5 engine, cranking out an unbelievable 405 horsepower.

Trucks weren't ignored throughout Chevy's history, either. On a much less obvious basis, many half- and three-quarter ton pickups over the years were ordered with a stout big-block beneath the hood. One hauler was even promoted as a performance version, and was called the 454 SS. Under the hood of the 454 "SS" was a 454-cid Mark V big-block V-8, hence the name (despite the fact that the power levels didn't live up to its moniker, it still made the competition nervous, and it could definitely haul things to the dump).

The Ever-Popular Small-Block
When you think of the best engines of all time ,there's one that definitely stands out-the 1955 Chevy small-block. While that engine has unquestionably set the standard by which all engines since have been judged, it's not the only milestone in Chevrolet's history. Many of the various powerplants that have provided motivation for Chevy's cars and trucks throughout time were innovative works of art in their own right, but none ever came close to having the same effect on our hobby as the little mouse motor has.

Fortunately, Chevy hasn't rested on its laurels. Today an array of impressive powerplants are available (though most of the really exciting ones-sans the LS1-can only be had through the GM Performance Parts division and not on the cars found on the dealer's showroom floor).

Today's vehicles are primarily designed to simply get people from one place to the next without much emphasis placed on performance. Corvette and Camaro are the only holdouts from the high-performance arena. Both of Chevy's sports cars currently offer the impressive LS1 engine and a performance package at a price that's nothing short of phenomenal. Sadly, sales of these two vehicles (the F-body's are dismal and the 'Vette only accounts for a small percentage of Chevy's overall revenue) has left them without many supporters in GM's corporate structure. Furthermore, the Camaro is said to go on hiatus following the 2002 model year for an undisclosed period and there are no guarantees on what type of ride, if any at all, will emerge from the other end of that dark tunnel.

One Horsepower Per Square Inch
For a long time, one horsepower per cubic inch (of displacement) was the unobtainable goal. A milestone to be pondered: "Wouldn't it be cool to get a horse per inch?" Today, reaching that level is a fairly simple task (although few production cars make it there). With simple bolt-ons from the performance aftermarket, enthusiasts can achieve well in excess of one horse per cubic inch. Super Chevy magazine has built engines that churn out horsepower three times the displacement numbers.

Chevrolet first hit the one-horsepower-per-cubic-inch level in 1957. The 283 small-block was fitted with Rochester mechanical fuel injection (called "Ramjet injection") and churned out an impressive 283 ponies (a number that grew to 290 the following year). Unfortunately, though, Chrysler beat Chevy to the punch by making a whopping 355 horsepower with its 354 cubic-inch Hemi a year before.

Many of the higher-horsepower engines were actually power packages added to the base engine. Engineers knew that the standard-equipment engines benefited greatly from a little better breathing. The answer was to offer special packages that featured bigger carburetors (or multiple carbs, or fuel injection). The dual-quad carburetor setup (also immortalized in the Beach Boys song "409") was part of a power package designed to beat the competition in the horsepower game. At one time there were 158 different versions of the small-block being produced by Chevrolet-that's a lot of different ways to get power.


Nature in German History

Published in Association with the German Historical Institute, Washington, D.C.

Germany is a key test case for the burgeoning field of environmental history in no other country has the landscape been so thoroughly politicized throughout its past as in Germany,and in no other country have ideas of 'nature' figured so centrally in notions of national identity. The essays collected in this volume — the first collection on the subject in either English or German — place discussions of nature and the human relationship with nature in their political co texts. Taken together, they trace the gradual shift from a confident belief in humanity ’s ability to tame and manipulate the natural realm to the Umweltbewußtsein driving the contemporary conservation movement. Nature in German History also documents efforts to reshape the natural realm in keeping with ideological beliefs — such as the Romantic exultation of 'the wild' and the Nazis' attempts to eliminate 'foreign' flora and fauna — as well as the ways in which political issues have repeatedly been transformed into discussions of the environment in Germany.


Organizations in Time : History, Theory, Methods

Marcelo Bucheli is Associate Professor of Business and History at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. He was a visiting scholar at the Ecole Polytechnique (Paris) in 2013 and held the Harvard-Newcomen fellowship in business history at Harvard Business School in 2004-2005. He earned his
PhD in history at Stanford University and has a BS and MA in economics from the Universidad de los Andes (Colombia). He won the 2004 Business History Review best article award, the 2009 Petroleum History Institute best article award, and the 2011 Mira Wilkins award in international business
tarix

R. Daniel Wadhwani is Fletcher Jones Associate Professor of Entrepreneurship and Management at the University of the Pacific. He has held visiting positions at Copenhagen Business School (Denmark), the University of Toulouse (France), and Zhejiang University (China), and was the 2003
Harvard-Newcomen fellow in business history at Harvard Business School. He earned his PhD from University of Pennsylvania and his BA from Yale University, both in history. He has published in leading journals in both business history and management and his work has won the Henrietta Larson Award in
business history and the Entrepreneurship Theory and Practice Best Conceptual Paper Award, among other recognitions.


Commandants

The Auschwitz Concentration Camp commandant stood at the head of the camp personnel and the garrison stationed there. The first commandant of Auschwitz was SS-Obersturmbannführer Rudolf Höss (May 1940-November 1943). His successors were SS-Obersturmbannführer Arthur Liebehenschel (November 1943-May 1944) and SS-Sturmbannführer Richard Baer (May 1944-January 1945). After the first organizational reform of the Auschwitz complex, the commandants of Birkenau (Auschwitz II Concentration Camp) between November 1943 and November 1944 were, first, SS-Sturmbannführer Friedrich Hartjenstein, replaced by SS-Hauptsturmführer Josef Kramer. The commandant of Auschwitz III (known from November 1943 as Monowitz Concentration Camp) was SS-Hauptsturmführer Heinrich Schwarz.

The commandant had complete authority over the camp and the SS garrison. In turn, he reported to the Inspectorate of Concentration Camps. After the inspectorate became part of the SS Main Economic-Administration Office (Wirtschaftsverwaltungshauptamat, SS-WVHA) on March 3, 1942, the concentration camp commandants came under the authority of Office Group D (Amtsgruppe D) in the SS-WVHA.


[email protected] of Nebraska - Lincoln

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Authors

Date of this Version

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Hodge, Adam R. "Adapting to a Changing World: An Environmental History of the Eastern Shoshone, 1000-1868." Fan nomzodi dissertation, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2013.

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A DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of The Graduate College at the University of Nebraska In Partial Fulfillment of Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Major: History, Under the Supervision of Professor Margaret D. Jacobs. Lincoln, Nebraska: May, 2013

Copyright (c) 2013 Adam R. Hodge

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Using the Eastern Shoshone Tribe as a case study, this dissertation argues that the physical environment must be considered integral to processes of ethnogenesis. It traces the environmental history of the people who became known as the Eastern Shoshone over the course of several centuries, exploring how those Natives migrated throughout and adapted to a significant portion of the North American West – the Great Basin, Rocky Mountains, Columbia Plateau, and Great Plains – prior to the reservation era. In examining that history, this project treats Shoshones, other Natives, and Euro-Americans not as people who simply used the environment, but as major parts of ecosystems. It also critiques existing scholarship on Native American and Western history by asserting that instead of producing narratives that emphasize “post-contact” environmental degradation and the destruction of indigenous lifeways, historians should devote more attention to the dynamic and often catastrophic history of “pre-contact” Native America to reveal how the ramifications of that deeper past persisted into the “post-contact” era.

Utilizing the analytical lens of environmental history requires this study to employ a highly interdisciplinary methodology. Drawing information from historical documents, historical scholarship, archaeological studies, anthropological reports, and works in the natural sciences (including climatology, epidemiology, biology, and ecology), it throws light on the relationship between the environment and everyday life. This includes Shoshone resource procurement and use, their dynamic gendered divisions of labor, their adoption of new technologies, their involvement in an expanding global market economy, how “Old World” infectious disease epidemics affected them, how they responded to climate change and the depletion of resources, and the relationship between the physical environment and intercultural relations. So, instead of presenting a human story in which the natural world functioned as a setting that only occasionally influenced the storyline, this dissertation offers a narrative in which humans interacted with one another and the world around them to make history.


Tarkibi

Originally she was conceived as a running mate to the popular Nieuw Amsterdam launched in 1937, but work was put on hold at the outbreak of World War II in Europe. When economic conditions once again became favorable for completion of the new ship in early 1954, the beginning of the end of ocean liners as basic transport was visible on the horizon.

The designers took this in mind and created a groundbreaking vessel, a two class, horizontally divided ship with movable partitions and a unique double staircase allowing for easy conversion to cruising. The christening and launch on September 13, 1958 by Queen Juliana was a huge crowd puller, with tens of thousands on both banks of the river. [3] Rotterdam's machinery was shifted aft, to the now-traditional two thirds aft position, and in lieu of a funnel twin uptake pipes were fitted.

To provide balance, a large deckhouse was built atop the superstructure in the midships position of a typical funnel. While very controversial at the time, [4] her appearance became groundbreaking, [3] and her then unique design features can be found on cruise ships today.

Kabi Rotterdam Tahrirlash

Her sea trials and handing over to Holland America Line took place on July 20, 1959, just a few months before her maiden crossing of the Atlantic. On her maiden voyage she carried the then Crown Princess of the Netherlands to New York.

Due to the growing popularity of air travel, an increasing number of transatlantic liners began to disappear from service. This trend led to the Rotterdam's permanent retirement from transatlantic service in 1969. Subsequently, she received a small refit for permanent cruising and began her new life as a full time cruise ship. The Rotterdam also became a one class ship after this refit.

She became increasingly popular throughout the 1970s and early 1980s, with mostly American and Australian passengers. Another refit in 1977 saw her passenger capacity decreased from 1,499 to 1,144. By the 1980s the ship had settled into a routine of winters in the Caribbean and summers in Alaska, with the occasional (and very popular) world cruise. Carnival Cruise Lines took over Holland America Line in 1989.

She remained in service until 1997, when Carnival announced, much to the dismay of the ship's loyal fans, that to upgrade her to meet the new 1997 SOLAS regulations would cost 40 million dollars. [3] Carnival had been opting to retire what they had supposedly called the "old ship." A replacement, the sixth Rotterdam, was ordered from Fincantieri shipyards in Italy. A gala finale cruise ended her final season on September 30, 1997.

There was a proposal for the Rotterdam to return to her homeport of Rotterdam where she would serve as a hotel ship, but the proposal fell through. There were also rumors of the vessel possibly being sold for scrap in Asia as what happened to the similar looking Canberra. In October 1997, she was sold to Premier Cruises (Premier wanted to buy the Canberra first, but P&O refused to sell her to them and was sold for scrap, thus causing Premier to buy Rotterdam instead). [3]

Kabi Rembrandt Tahrirlash

Originally, Premier Cruise Line wanted to rename the vessel as The Big Red Boat IV to align her with Premier's other vessels, but public outcry caused Premier to instead renamed her to SS Rembrandt after the Dutch painter. Controversially, Premier was able to refit the Rembrandt for new safety regulations as well as many other things for half the amount Carnival had predicted. [3]

She sailed for Premier along with the ex ocean liners Oceanic, Eugenio C va Transvaal Castle, all now named Big Red Boat Men, II va III. She continued to serve as a fairly popular cruise ship out of Port Canaveral, Florida until September 13, 2000, when Premier Cruises shut down.

It was midnight when this was made official and the captain of the Rembrandt was ordered to dock in Halifax, Nova Scotia and offload all. [5] She was subsequently placed under arrest by the Halifax Sheriff's department until the next morning, then days later she sailed to be laid up in Freeport, Bahamas [ iqtibos kerak ] .

On July 12, 2004, she arrived at Gibraltar for asbestos encapsulation and removal performed by the Cuddy Group of the UK. She next visited Cadiz where her hull was repainted its original Holland America grey, and then moved on to Poland and Germany for final restoration. She returned to the city of Rotterdam on August 8, 2008.

She opened to the public on February 15, 2010 as a combination museum/hotel and school for vocational training. [6] On 12 June 2013, she was sold to WestCord Hotels, which also owns the Hotel New York located in the former Holland America Line headquarters building in Rotterdam. [7]


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