Yangi

Franko-Prussiya urushi

Franko-Prussiya urushi

Fransiya-Prussiya urushining boshlanishi 1870 yil 16-iyulda bo'lib o'tdi. Bu Napoleon III ning Prussiya kantsleri Otto fon Bismark boshchiligidagi Shimoliy Germaniya Konfederatsiyasining nemis davlatlari tahdidiga qarshi Ikkinchi Frantsiya imperiyasini saqlab qolishga urinishi edi. Xalqaro Ishchilar Uyushmasi (IWMA) o'tgan yili o'z konferentsiyasida urush boshlangan taqdirda umumiy ish tashlash o'tkazilishi kerakligini e'lon qilgan edi. Biroq, Karl Marks bu muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraydi, deb ta'kidlagan edi, chunki "ishchilar sinfi ... hali taroziga hal qiluvchi og'irlik tashlash uchun etarlicha tashkil etilmagan". (1)

IWMAning Parij bo'limi darhol urushni qoraladi. Biroq, Germaniyada fikrlar ikkiga bo'lindi, lekin ko'pchilik sotsialistlar urushni mudofaa deb hisoblashdi va Reyxstagda faqat Vilgelm Liebknecht va Avgust Bebel urush kreditlari uchun ovoz berishdan bosh tortishdi va Elzas-Lotaringiya qo'shilishiga qarshi qattiq gapirishdi. Buning uchun ular vatanga xiyonatda ayblanib qamoqqa tashlanishdi. (2)

Marks, Germaniyaning g'alabasi uning sotsialistik inqilobga bo'lgan uzoq muddatli istagiga yordam berishiga ishondi. U Fridrix Engelsga nemis ishchilari frantsuz ishchilaridan ko'ra yaxshiroq uyushgan va intizomli ekanini ko'rsatdi, ularga Per-Jozef Proudonning g'oyalari katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi: "Frantsuzlarga dublyaj kerak. Agar prusslar g'alaba qozongan bo'lsa, davlat hokimiyatining markazlashtirilishi. ishchilar sinfining markazlashuviga yordam beradi ... nemislarning jahon maydonida frantsuzlardan ustunligi bir vaqtning o'zida bizning nazariyamizning Prudon va boshqalardan ustunligini anglatar edi ». (3)

Bir necha kundan keyin Karl Marks IWMA nomidan bayonot berdi. "Yaqinlashib kelayotgan dahshatli urush nima bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, barcha mamlakatlarning ishchi sinflari ittifoqi oxir -oqibat urushni o'ldiradi. Rasmiy Frantsiya va Germaniya birodarlik janjaliga shoshayotgan paytda, Frantsiya va Germaniya ishchilari bir -biriga xabar yuborishadi. tinchlik va xayrixohlik; o'tmish tarixida misli ko'rilmagan bu buyuk haqiqat porloq kelajakni ko'zdan kechiradi, bu shuni ko'rsatadiki, eski jamiyatdan farqli o'laroq, iqtisodiy baxtsizlik va siyosiy xiralik bilan, yangi jamiyat vujudga keladi. Xalqaro hukmronlik Tinchlik bo'ladi, chunki uning tabiiy hukmdori hamma joyda bir xil bo'ladi - Mehnat! Yangi jamiyatning kashshofi - Xalqaro Mehnatkashlar Uyushmasi ". (4)

Tinchlik tarafdorlari Jon Styuart Mill va Jon Morli Marksni bayonoti bilan tabrikladilar va uning nutqining 30 ming nusxasini chop etish va tarqatishni tashkil etishdi. Marks urush inqilob uchun imkoniyat yaratadi deb o'yladi. U Engelsga shunday dedi: "Men revmatizm tufayli to'rt kechadan beri uxlay olmayapman va bu vaqtni Parij va boshqalar haqida xayollarda o'tkazaman". U nemislarning g'alabasidan umidvor edi: "Men buni xohlayman, chunki Bonapartning aniq mag'lubiyati, ehtimol, Frantsiyada inqilobni qo'zg'atishi mumkin, Germaniyaning aniq mag'lubiyati esa hozirgi holatni yigirma yilga uzaytiradi". (5)

IWMAning amerikalik tashkilotchisi Fridrix Sorjga yozgan maktubida, Marks Birinchi jahon urushi va rus inqilobini o'z ichiga olgan kelajak haqida bashorat qilgan: "Prussiya jirkanchlari ko'rmagan narsa shundaki, hozirgi urush xuddi shunday zaruriy tarzda olib boriladi. 1866 yildagi urush Prussiya va Frantsiya o'rtasidagi urushga olib keldi, bu Germaniya uchun kutgan eng yaxshi natijadir. Prussianizm hech qachon ittifoq va Rossiyaga bo'ysunishdan boshqa mavjud bo'lmagan va bo'lolmaydi ham. "Va bu 2-sonli urush Rossiyada muqarrar inqilobning o'rta xotini vazifasini bajaradi". (6)

Urush Napoleon III uchun yomon kechdi va u Sedan jangida og'ir mag'lubiyatga uchradi. 1870 yil 4 sentyabrda Parijda respublika e'lon qilindi. Sobiq bosh vazir va urushga muxolif Adolf Tier Frantsiyaning yangi hukumatining ijrochi direktori etib saylandi. (7)

Ular hozir 74 yoshda, konservativ qarashlarga ega bo'lgan vaqtinchalik hukumatni tayinladilar, keyin Londonga borib, Britaniya bilan ittifoq tuzishga harakat qildilar. Uilyam Gladstoun rad javobini berdi va 1870 yil 31 oktyabrda Parijga qaytib kelganida, u xoinlikda ayblandi. Feliks Pyat, Frantsiyani nemislarga sotish bilan tahdid qilganlikda ayblagan radikal sotsialistik Tyerga qarshi namoyishlar uyushtirdi. (8)

Karl Marks, "u ham, Engels ham har doim ko'zga tashlanadigan sof nemis vatanparvarligi" tufayli Bismarkga sekinlik bilan hujum qilgan va Xalqaro ishchilar uyushmasi "qo'shilishga qarshi norozilik bildirgan va Prussiya qirolining sulolaviy ambitsiyalarini qoralagan. va frantsuz ishchilarini demokratiyaning barcha himoyachilari bilan umumiy Prussiya dushmaniga qarshi birlashishga chaqirdi ". (9)

Marks keyinroq "Harbiy mulohazalarni xalqlarning chegaralarini belgilash tamoyiliga aylantirish bema'nilik va anaxronizm ekanligini ko'rsatdi. Agar bu qoida amal qilsa, Avstriya hali ham Venetsiya va Minitsioning chizig'iga haqli bo'lar edi. va Parijni himoya qilish uchun, Frantsiya Reyn chizig'iga, janubi -g'arbdan Berlinga qaraganda, shimoli -sharqdan hujumga ochiqroqdir. da'volar, chunki har bir harbiy chiziq majburiy nuqsonli va uni boshqa chekka hududlarni qo'shish orqali yaxshilash mumkin; va bundan tashqari, ularni hech qachon oxirigacha va adolatli tuzatish mumkin emas, chunki ular har doim zabt etuvchi tomonidan zabt etilishi va natijada olib ketilishi kerak. ularning ichida yangi urushlarning urug'i ". (10)

1871 yil mart oyida hukumat radikal hamdardlik alomatlarini ko'rsatgan ixtiyoriy fuqarolik kuchlari - Parij milliy gvardiyasini qurolsizlantirishga urinishdi. U qurollarini berishdan bosh tortdi, muxtoriyatini e'lon qildi, vaqtinchalik hukumat amaldorlarini ag'darib tashladi va Frantsiyaning haqiqiy hukumati sifatida xalqning inqilobiy qo'mitasini sayladi. Adolf Tier endi Versalga qochib ketdi. Butun Evropa hukumatlari Evropada bo'layotgan voqealardan xavotirda edilar. The Times "Demokratiyaning bu xavfli tuyg'usi, poytaxt deb atalgan tsivilizatsiyaga qarshi fitna" dan shikoyat qilgan. (11)

Yangi hukumat o'zini Parij kommunasi deb atadi va shaharni boshqarishga harakat qildi. Ishayya Berlinning fikricha, qo'mita turli xil siyosiy qarashlarning aralashmasi edi, lekin uning tarkibiga Mixail Bakunin, Per-Jozef Prudon va Lui Avgust Blanki izdoshlari kirgan. Kommunarlarga milliy gvardiya nazoratini ushlab turish qiyin kechdi va 28-mart kuni, saylov kuni general Jak Leon Klement-Tomas va general Klod Lecomte o'ldirildi. Ko'p o'tmay jasadlarni ko'zdan kechirgan doktor Guyon, Klemens-Tomas tanasida qirqta to'p va Lekomte orqasida to'qqizta to'p topdi.

Hozir Versalda joylashgan Adolphe Tiers parijliklarni ovoz berishdan bosh tortishga chaqirdi. Ovoz berish tugagach, ro'yxatga olingan 485 ming saylovchidan 233 ming parijlik ovoz berdi. Yuqori toifali mahallalarda ko'pchilik saylovda qatnashishdan bosh tortdi, 70 foizdan ko'prog'i ovoz berishdan bosh tortdi. Lekin ishchilar yashaydigan mahallalarda saylovchilarning faolligi yuqori edi. Ommaviy ovoz berish yo'li bilan saylangan to'qqiz ikkita kommunardan o'n etti nafari IWMA a'zolari edi. Marks "Parij xalqiga Murojaatnoma" ni tuzishi kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib olindi, lekin u bronxit va jigar kasalligidan aziyat chekardi va ishni uddalay olmadi. (12)

Kommunarlarga milliy gvardiyani nazorat qilish qiyin kechdi va saylov kuni general Jak Leon Klement-Tomas va general Klod Lecomte o'ldirildi, ular qattiq intizomli deb ayblangan ikki kishi o'ldirildi. Ko'p o'tmay jasadlarni ko'zdan kechirgan doktor Guyon, Klemens-Tomas tanasida qirqta to'p va Lekomte orqasida to'qqizta to'p topdi. (13)

Kommuna birinchi yig'ilishida a'zolar bir nechta takliflarni qabul qilishdi, jumladan, Lui Avgust Blankining faxriy raisligi; o'lim jazosining bekor qilinishi; harbiy xizmatga chaqiruvni bekor qilish; u erda kommunalarni ishga tushirish uchun boshqa shaharlarga delegatlar yuborish taklifi. Shuningdek, poytaxtga erkak fuqarolardan tashkil topgan Milliy gvardiyadan boshqa hech qanday harbiy kuch tuzilishi yoki kiritilishi mumkin emasligi aytilgan. Shahardagi maktab o'quvchilari bepul kiyim -kechak va oziq -ovqat bilan ta'minlandi. Devid MakLellanning aytishicha, kommunaning haqiqiy choralari inqilobiy emas, balki islohotchi, xususiy mulkka hech qanday hujum bo'lmagan: ish beruvchilarga ish haqini kamaytirish uchun jarima to'lash taqiqlangan ... va tashlab ketilgan barcha korxonalar kooperativ birlashmalariga o'tkazilgan. "(14)

Karl Marks kommunarlarning xatti -harakatlarini inqilobiy deb hisoblar edi: "Bir paytlar eski hukumatning jismoniy kuchlari bo'lgan doimiy armiya va politsiyadan qutulgan Kommuna, qatag'onning ruhiy kuchini yo'q qilishni xohlardi. Ruhoniylar shaxsiy hayotning tanaffuslariga qaytarildi, bu erda sodiqlarning o'tmishdoshlariga, havoriylarga taqlid qilib, sadaqalarini to'ydirishdi. Shunday qilib, cherkov va davlatning har qanday aralashuvidan ozod bo'ldi, shuning uchun nafaqat ta'lim hamma uchun ochiq edi, balki ilm -fanning o'zi unga sinfiy xurofot va hukumat zulmidan xalos bo'ldi ". (15)

Saylovda faqat erkaklar ovoz berishiga ruxsat berilgan bo'lsa -da, Parij kommunasiga bir nechta ayollar jalb qilingan. Nathali Lemel va Elizabet Dmitrieff Parijni himoya qilish va yaradorlarni parvarish qilish bo'yicha ayollar ittifoqini tuzdilar. Guruh jinsi va ish haqi tengligini, ayollarning ajrashish huquqini, dunyoviy ta'lim olish huquqini va qizlarning kasbiy ta'limini talab qildi. Enn Jaclard va Victoire Léodile Béra Parij kommunasi va Luiza Mishel gazetalarini, Milliy gvardiya ayol batalonini tuzdilar. (16)

Qo'mitaga Kommuna dushmanlarini qidirish va qamoqqa olish uchun keng vakolatlar berildi. Raul Rigault boshchiligida u, odatda, xoinlikda gumon qilinib, bir nechta hibsga olishni boshladi. Hibsga olinganlar orasida Parij arxiyepiskopi Jorj Darboy, general Edmond-Charlz de Martimpri va Abbey Gaspard Deguerri bor edi. Rigault bu mahbuslarni hukumat kuchlari tomonidan asirga olingan Lui Avgust Blankiga almashtirmoqchi bo'ldi. Uzoq davom etgan muzokaralarga qaramay, Adolf Tiers uni qo'yib yuborishdan bosh tortdi.

1871 yil 22 -mayda marshal Patris de MakMaxon va uning hukumat qo'shinlari shaharga kirdi. Jamoat xavfsizligi qo'mitasi shunday qaror chiqardi: "Qurol -yarog '! Parij barrikadalar bilan to'lib -toshgan, va bu qo'riqxonalar ortida u yana urush faryodini, mag'rurligini, bo'ysunmasligini, lekin qichqirig'ini ko'taradi. G'alaba; chunki Parij, barrikadalari bilan, yengilmas ... O'sha inqilobiy Parij, buyuk kunlar Parij o'z burchini bajaradi; Kommuna va Jamoat xavfsizligi qo'mitasi o'z vazifalarini bajaradi! " (17)

Taxminlarga ko'ra, o'n beshdan yigirma minggacha odam, shu jumladan ko'plab ayollar va bolalar, qurol chaqiruviga javob berishgan. Kommuna kuchlari marshal MakMaxon kuchlari sonidan beshga ko'p edi. Ular qo'zg'olon boshlangan Montmartrga yo'l olishdi. Bir barrikadaning garnizonini qisman o'ttizga yaqin ayollardan iborat batalon, shu jumladan Luiza Mishel himoya qilgan. Askarlar 42 soqchi va bir nechta ayolni qo'lga olishdi, ularni Rue Rozieridagi generallar Klement-Tomas va Lekomte qatl qilingan uyga olib borishdi va otib tashlashdi.

Ko'p sonli Milliy gvardiya fuqarolik kiyimiga o'tib, shahardan qochib ketdi. Hisob -kitoblarga ko'ra, buning uchun barrikadalarni himoya qilish uchun atigi 12 mingga yaqin kommunard qolgan. Ular qo'lga olinishi bilanoq qatl qilindi. Raul Rigaut bunga javoban mahbuslarini, jumladan Parij arxiyepiskopi va uchta ruhoniyni o'ldirdi. Ko'p o'tmay, Rigaut qo'lga olindi va qatl qilindi va 28 may kuni isyon tugadi. Ishayya Berlin ta'kidlaganidek: "G'olib armiya talab qilgan qasos ommaviy qirg'inlar shaklida amalga oshirildi; oq terror, bunday holatlarda tez -tez uchrab turadiganidek, yirtqichlarning shafqatsizlik harakatlaridan ancha ustundir. tugatish ". (18)

Marksning fikriga ko'ra, hamma narsa jamiyatni o'z qo'liga olishga harakat qilganda sodir bo'ladi: "Burjua tuzumining tsivilizatsiyasi va adolati, o'z xo'jayinlariga qarshi bo'lganida, bu tartibning qullari va duduqlari ko'tariladi. Mablag'dor va prodyuser o'rtasidagi sinfiy kurashdagi har bir yangi inqiroz bu haqiqatni yanada yorqinroq ochib beradi ... Parij aholisi-erkaklar, ayollar va bolalar- Versalga kirgandan keyin sakkiz kun jang qilgan, bu ularning ishining ulug'vorligini aks ettiradi, chunki askarlarning dahshatli ishlari o'sha tsivilizatsiyaning tug'ma ruhini aks ettiradi. jang tugaganidan keyin qilingan jasadlar! " (19)

Eng ko'p sotilgan risolasida, Frantsiyadagi fuqarolar urushi (1871), Karl Marks Xalqaro ishchilar uyushmasi Parij Kommunasiga katta jalb qilinganligini tan oldi. Yaqinda Frantsiyada qayta tiklangan tashqi ishlar vaziri Jyul Favr barcha Evropa hukumatlaridan IWMAni taqiqlashni so'radi. Frantsuz gazetasi Marksni fitnachilarning "oliy boshlig'i" deb atadi, u Londondan qo'zg'olonni "uyushtirgan" deb da'vo qilmoqda. U IWMAning etti million a'zosi borligini da'vo qildi. (20)

Boshqa Evropa hukumatlari ham IWMA a'zolarini jazolashni talab qilishdi. Ispaniya Parij kommunasiga aloqadorlarni topshirishga rozi bo'ldi. Italiya millatchilik harakatining etakchisi Juzeppe Mazzini Marksni hibsga olish chaqirig'iga qo'shildi, u o'zini "hukmronlik qiladigan odam; boshqalarning ta'siriga hasad qiladi; jiddiy, falsafiy yoki diniy e'tiqod bilan boshqarilmaydi; Men uning tabiatidagi muhabbatdan ko'ra ko'proq g'azab elementlaridan qo'rqaman ". (21)

Britaniya gazetalari ham Karl Marks xavfidan shikoyat qilishdi. The Times Marksning ishchilar sinfiga ta'siri bo'lishi mumkinligi haqida ogohlantirdi. "Adolatli kunlik ish uchun adolatli ish haqi" dan boshqa narsani xohlamaydigan ingliz kasaba uyushmalari chet eldan olib kelingan "g'alati nazariyalar" tomonidan buzilib ketishidan qo'rqardi. (22) Marks Lyudvig Kugelmannga shunday yozgan edi: "Men hozir Londonda eng ko'p haqoratlangan va tahdid qilingan odam bo'lish sharafiga egaman". (23)

Germaniya elchisi Buyuk Britaniya Tashqi ishlar vaziri Granvil Leveson-Gauerni Marksni "jinoyat va hayotga tahdid" qilgani uchun oddiy jinoyatchi sifatida ko'rishga undadi. Bosh vazir Uilyam Gladstoun bilan maslahatlashganidan so'ng, u "o'ta sotsialistik fikrlar bu mamlakatning mehnatkashlariga hech qanday ta'sir ko'rsatmagan deb ishoniladi" va "xorijiy davlatlarga nisbatan hech qanday amaliy choralar ko'rilmagan", deb javob berdi. assotsiatsiyaning ingliz bo'limi ". (24)

Ning nashr etilishi Frantsiyadagi fuqarolar urushi (1871) Britaniyaning bir qancha kasaba uyushmalari rahbarlarini xafa qildi va Jorj Odger Xalqaro Ishchilar Uyushmasi Bosh Kengashidan iste'foga chiqdi. 1867 yildagi islohotlar to'g'risidagi qonunning qabul qilinishi ishchilar sinfini radikal holga keltirgan, degan fikr bor. Parij Kommunasidan keyin IWMA taraqqiyotiga erishgan yagona joylar anarxizmning qal'alarida edi: Ispaniya va Italiya. (25)

1871 yil may oyida Frantsiya hukumati Frankfurt shartnomasini imzoladi. Bu Frantsiyaning uchinchi respublikasi va Germaniya imperiyasi o'rtasidagi chegarani o'rnatdi, natijada Frantsiya Elzas va Lotaringiyani, Strasburgni va Metzning buyuk qal'asini Germaniyaga berib qo'ydi va 1694 y. qishloqlar va shaharlar Frantsiya nazorati ostida Germaniyaga. (26)

Frantsuzlar ustidan g'alaba qozonganidan so'ng, Prussiya Prezidenti Otto von Bismark Germaniyaning birlashishi uchun darhol harakat qildi. U janubiy Germaniya shtatlari vakillari bilan muzokara olib bordi, agar ular birlashishga rozi bo'lsalar, alohida imtiyozlar berdilar. Yangi Germaniya imperiyasi 25 ta ta'sischi davlatdan tashkil topgan federatsiya edi. Germaniya 208,825 kvadrat milya maydonni egalladi va 41 milliondan ortiq aholiga ega edi. Holbuki, 1871 yilda Buyuk Britaniya 21 million aholisi bilan 94,525 kvadrat milni egallagan. Jonatan Shtaynberg: "Dahshatli davlat arboblari Evropa siyosatini o'zgartirib, sakkiz yarim yil ichida Germaniyani birlashtirdi. Va u buni shaxsiyatining kuchli kuchi, o'zining yorqinligi, shafqatsizligi va printsipning moslashuvchanligi bilan amalga oshirdi", deb ta'kidlaydi. (27)

Bismark 25 yoshdan oshgan barcha erkaklarga ovoz berish orqali birlashishni qo'llab -quvvatladi. Bismark, sotsializmning oldini olishning eng yaxshi usuli, bir qator ijtimoiy islohotlarni, shu jumladan, keksalik pensiyalarini kiritish, degan qarorga keldi. 1881 yilda u "yoshi va nogironligi bo'yicha mehnatdan nogiron bo'lganlar davlatdan g'amxo'rlik qilish to'g'risida asosli da'voga ega", deb e'lon qildi. Bu masala muhokama qilinganida, Bismarkni tanqidchilari uni sotsialist deb atashgan. U javob berdi: "Buni sotsializm deb atang yoki xohlagan narsangiz. Men uchun ham xuddi shunday". Aytilishicha, Bismarkning maqsadi "ishchilar bilan davlat o'rtasidagi aloqani mustahkamlash, ikkinchisini mustahkamlash, ijtimoiy va maqomli guruhlar o'rtasida an'anaviy hokimiyat munosabatlarini saqlab qolish va liberalizmning modernist kuchlariga qarshi teng kuch berish" edi. sotsializm ". (28)

1883 yilda Bismark sog'liq sug'urtasi tizimini joriy qildi, u odamlar kasal bo'lib, mehnatga layoqatsiz bo'lganda to'lovlarni amalga oshirdi. Ishtirok etish majburiy edi va ishchi, ish beruvchi va hukumatdan badallar olindi. Nemis tizimi nafaqadagi nafaqalar va nogironlik nafaqalarini ham ta'minladi. Shunday qilib, Germaniya dunyodagi birinchi davlat bo'lib, ijtimoiy sug'urta tamoyillariga asoslangan daromadlarni ta'minlashning keng qamrovli tizimini ta'minladi.

Bismark tushuntirdi: "Ishchining haqiqiy noroziligi uning mavjudligining ishonchsizligidir; u doimo ish topishiga amin emas, u doimo sog'lom bo'lishiga amin emas va u bir kun kelib qarishini va Agar u qashshoqlikka tushib qolsa ham, hatto uzoq davom etadigan kasallik tufayli ham, u butunlay ojiz qoladi, o'z holiga tashlab qo'yiladi va jamiyat hozirda kambag'allar uchun odatiy yordamdan boshqa hech qanday majburiyatni tan olmaydi. Agar u har doim shunday sodiq va tirishqoqlik bilan ishlagan bo'lsa, kambag'allar uchun odatiy yordam, ayniqsa, mamlakatdan ko'ra yomonroq bo'lgan katta shaharlarda ko'p narsani talab qiladi. (29)

Bismark bu sug'urta tizimi hosildorlikni oshiradi va nemis ishchilarining siyosiy e'tiborini uning hukumatini qo'llab -quvvatlashga qaratadi, deb ishongan. Bu Germaniyaning Amerikaga emigratsiyasining tez pasayishiga olib keldi. U, shuningdek, sotsialistlarni qo'llab -quvvatlashni kamaytiradi deb umid qilgan. 1889 yilda qarilik va nogironlik sug'urtasi to'g'risidagi qonun qabul qilingandan so'ng, Bismark sotsial -demokratik partiyani qonuniylashtirish xavfsiz deb o'yladi. (30)

Yaqinlashib kelayotgan dahshatli urush nima bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, barcha mamlakatlarning ishchi sinflari ittifoqi oxir -oqibat urushni o'ldiradi. Bu shuni ko'rsatadiki, eski jamiyatdan farqli o'laroq, iqtisodiy baxtsizlik va siyosiy xiralik bilan, yangi jamiyat paydo bo'ladi, uning Xalqaro hukmronligi tinchlik bo'ladi, chunki uning tabiiy hukmdori hamma joyda bir xil bo'ladi - Mehnat! Yangi jamiyatning kashshofi - Xalqaro ishchi erkaklar uyushmasi.

Prussiya jakkalari ko'rmaydigan narsa shundaki, hozirgi urush xuddi Germaniya va Rossiya o'rtasidagi urushga olib keladi, 1866 yilgi urush Prussiya va Frantsiya o'rtasidagi urushga olib keldi. 2 Rossiyadagi muqarrar inqilobning o'rtasi sifatida harakat qiladi.

Harbiy mulohazalarni millatlar chegaralarini belgilash tamoyiliga aylantirish bema'nilik va anaxronizmmi? Agar bu qoida amalda bo'lganida, Avstriya baribir Berlindan ko'ra shimoli -sharqdan hujumga ochiqroq bo'lgan Parijni himoya qilish uchun Venetsiya va Minitsioning chizig'iga, Frantsiya esa Reyn chizig'iga haqli edi. janubi -g'arbdan. Agar chegaralar harbiy manfaatlar bilan belgilanadigan bo'lsa, da'volarga chek qo'yilmaydi, chunki har bir harbiy yo'nalish noto'g'ri bo'lishi kerak va uni boshqa chekka hududlarni qo'shib yaxshilash mumkin; va bundan tashqari, ularni hech qachon oxirigacha va adolatli tuzatish mumkin emas, chunki ular har doim g'olib tomonidan zabt etilganlarga yuklanishi va natijada o'zlarida yangi urushlar urug'ini olib yurishi kerak.

Bolalar mehnatini simulyatsiya qilish (o'qituvchilar eslatmalari)

Richard Arkrayt va zavod tizimi (Javob sharhi)

Robert Ouen va Yangi Lanark (Javob sharhi)

Jeyms Vatt va Steam Power (Javob sharhi)

Ichki tizim (javob izohi)

Ludditlar (Javob sharhi)

To'qimachilar (javob izohi)

(1) Ishayo Berlin, Karl Marks (1939) 191 -bet

(2) Frensis Uin, Karl Marks (1999) 320 -bet

(3) Devid MakLellan, Karl Marks: tarjimai holi (1973) 355 -bet

(4) Karl Marks, Xalqaro ishchilar uyushmasi nomidan bayonot (1870 yil 23 -iyul)

(5) Karl Marks, Fridrix Engelsga maktub (17 -avgust, 1870)

(6) Karl Marks, Fridrix Sorgega maktub (1870 yil 1 sentyabr)

(7) Devid MakLellan, Karl Marks: tarjimai holi (1973) 358 -bet

(8) René de La Croix de Castries, Janob Tyer (1983) sahifalar 320-333

(9) Ishayo Berlin, Karl Marks (1939) 184 va 185 -betlar

(10) Karl Marks, Frantsiyadagi fuqarolar urushi (1871)

(11) The Times (1871 yil 22 mart)

(12) Frensis Uin, Karl Marks (1999) 326 -bet

(13) Donni Glukshteyn, Parij kommunasi: demokratiyada inqilob (2006) 231 -bet

(14) Devid MakLellan, Karl Marks: tarjimai holi (1973) 358 -bet

(15) Karl Marks, Frantsiyadagi fuqarolar urushi (1871)

(16) L'Humanité (2005 yil 19 mart)

(17) Jamoat xavfsizligi qo'mitasi (1871 yil 22 may)

(18) Ishayo Berlin, Karl Marks (1939) 187 -bet

(19) Karl Marks, Frantsiyadagi fuqarolar urushi (1871)

(20) Frensis Uin, Karl Marks (1999) 331 -bet

(21) Juzeppe Mazzini, Zamonaviy tahlil (1872 yil iyul)

(22) The Times (1872 yil 16 aprel)

(23) Karl Marks, Lyudvig Kugelmannga maktub (28 iyun, 1871)

(24) Frensis Uin, Karl Marks (1999) 332 -bet

(25) Devid MakLellan, Karl Marks: tarjimai holi (1973) 366 -bet

(26) Xovard M. Sachar, Evropaga suiqasd, 1918-1942: Siyosiy tarix (2014) sahifalar 263-264

(27) Jonatan Shtaynberg, Bismark: hayot (2011) 311 -bet

(28) Kees van Kersbergen, Qiyosiy farovonlik davlat siyosati: taraqqiyot, imkoniyatlar va islohotlar (2013) 38 -bet

(29) Otto von Bismark, Reyxstagda nutq (1884 yil mart)

(30) Ernest Piter Xennok, Angliya va Germaniyada farovonlik davlatining paydo bo'lishi, 1850–1914 (2007) 157 -bet


Franko-Prussiya urushining askarlari 150 yildan keyin topilib, qayta dafn qilindi

Frantsiya-Prussiya urushi askarlari 2020 yil avgust oyida Gravelotte-da qayta dafn qilindi / Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasi, Uve Tsukchi. Ernst Zimmerning 1910 yilgi rasmida Gravelotte jangidagi nemis askarlari tasvirlangan.

Zita Ballinger Fletcher
2020 yil 25 -avgust

1870-71 yillardagi Franko-Prussiya urushi tarixda unutilgan bob bo'lib tuyulsa-da, mojaro hayratlanarli darajada qayta paydo bo'ldi, iyun oyida Frantsiyaning Metz shahri yaqinidagi mahalliy dehqon o'rmon daryosi bo'yida odam suyaklari bilan yuzma-yuz keldi. Bu frantsuz va nemis rasmiylarining e'tiborini tortguncha 150 yil davomida unutilgan olti prussiyalik askarning qoldiqlari edi. Qoldiqlar rasman avgust oyida Frantsiyaning Gravelotte shahrida dafn qilindi.

Bu erda xalqaro arxeologlar ishlaydi. / Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasining ommaviy axborot vositalarining fotosurati

G'ayrioddiy kashfiyot Aubigny qal'asining janubidagi xususiy o'rmonda sodir bo'ldi. Suyaklar daryo bo'yida suvning chayqalishi natijasida tuproq eroziyasi tufayli ko'rinib qolgan edi. Qal'a egalari Frantsiya hukumati va Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasi bilan hamkorlikda bu erdagi arxeologik qazish ishlarini olib borishgan.

Franko-Prussiya urushi bugungi kunda o'zining dabdabali va imperializm bilan tanilgan, noma'lum askarlar katta jang maydonlari rasmlarida yashaydilar, balki ularning rang-barang kiyimlari bilan bizning xotiramizda taassurot qoldirishi mumkin. Taqdirning g'ayrioddiy burilishida, xuddi shu formaning bo'laklari, qandaydir tarzda, zamon buzilishlaridan omon qoldi - bu mutaxassislarga qoldiqlarni aniqlashda yordam beradigan asosiy maslahatlar bo'ldi.

Arxeologlar korroziyaga uchragan yashil tugmalarni topdilar, qisman ikki ko'zli va to'q ko'k mato qoldiqlari epaulette tugmalari ostida qolib ketgan. Bu izlar arxeologlarga o'liklarni pruss askarlari ekanligini aniqlashga yordam berdi. Arxeologlar tuproq qatlamini cho'tkalar bilan ehtiyotkorlik bilan olib tashlab, metall detektorlari yordamida skanerlashganda, ular qo'shimcha suyaklar va ko'plab metall buyumlarni topdilar.


1870 yil avgustdagi qonli jang Emil Xyuntenning "Mars-La-Tur jangi" da tasvirlangan.

Ekspertlarning hisob -kitoblariga ko'ra, olti askar 1870 yil 14 -avgustda Kolumbiya jangi paytida (frantsuzcha "Borniy jangi" nomi bilan tanilgan) yoki undan keyin halok bo'lgan. .

Urushning bu davrida nemislar katta xarajat evaziga g'alabalarga erishdilar. Nemis qo'mondonlari o'z odamlarining hayotiga unchalik ahamiyat bermaydilar va jang maydonida shafqatsiz bosim o'tkazdilar, hatto qo'shinlari frantsuz miltig'ining ustunidan vayron bo'lishdi. 1870 yil 18 -avgustga kelib, qurbonlar taxminan 5200 nemis va 1100 frantsuz o'lgan, qo'shimcha ravishda har ikki tomondan 30 ming kishi yaralangan.


Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasi ishchisi xaritada jang maydonini ko'rsatadi. / Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasining fotosurati

Bu beparvolik 1870 yil 21 -avgustda Prussiya qiroli Vilgelm I tomonidan e'lon qilingan hisobotda tanqidga uchradi, u o'z ofitserlaridan o'z aqllari va erlaridan yaxshiroq foydalanishni talab qilib, "xuddi shu natijalarga" kamroq qurbonlar bilan erishish "ni talab qildi.

G'alati kelishmovchilik paytida, sobiq dushmanlar to'qnashuv paytida prussiyalik o'liklarni 14 avgustda Gravelotte qabristoniga dafn etish uchun, noma'lum askarlar oxirgi jangidan 150 yil o'tgach, dafn qilishdi.


Gravelotte qabristoniga noma'lum askarlarni dafn etish marosimida frantsuz fuqarolik amaldorlari va nemis vakillari, shu jumladan mehmonlar qatnashadilar. / Germaniya urushi qabrlari komissiyasi surati, Uve Zukchi

Mahalliy frantsuz jamoalaridan, jumladan, Gravelotte meri va Metz shahri vakillaridan 50 ga yaqin mehmonlar tashrif buyurishdi. Germaniya vakillari ham bor edi. Frantsuz bayroqdorlari dafn marosimida o'lganlarga hurmat bajo keltirdilar, nemis yoshlar guruhi a'zolari qo'shiqlari bilan. Qatnashuvchilar qabristonga gullar va xochlar qo'yishdi. MH


Franko-Prussiya urushi: Evropani dahshatga solgan mojaro

150 yil oldin boshlangan Franko-Prussiya urushi, qit'ani ikki jahon urushiga olib boradigan g'azabli o'yinni keltirib chiqardi. Maykl Rou zamonaviy dunyo uchun halokatli oqibatlarga olib kelgan XIX asr mojarosi haqida hikoya qiladi

Endi bu musobaqa yopildi

E'lon qilingan: 19 -noyabr, 2020 -yil, 12:26

1870 yil 7 oktyabrda Fransiya hukumatining kuchli a'zosi Leon Gambetta gaz balonida Parijdan qochib ketdi. Franko-Prussiya urushi deyarli uch oy davom etdi va nemis qo'shinlari shaharni qamal qilishdi. Gambetta poytaxtni ozod qilish uchun viloyatlarda yangi qo'shinlar yig'ishga umid qilgandi. Bu umidsizlik harakati edi, bu Fransiyaning boyligi qanchalik past bo'lganidan dalolat beradi.

Keyingi haftalarda vaziyat yomonlashdi, Frantsiyaning mashhur poytaxtidagi oddiy fuqarolar mushuk, it, kalamush va otlarni eyishdi. Xotiralar va xatlar hayvonot bog'idan olingan tuyalar, antilopalar yoki fillar kabi ekzotik go'shtning nisbiy mahsuli haqida munozaralarga to'la. Pivo zavodlarining kalamushlari (ajablanarli emas) kanalizatsiyaga tushganlarga qaraganda yaxshiroq ta'mga ega ekanligi aytilgan. Ayni paytda, vijdonsiz tadbirkorlar sut kabi asoslarning g'alati o'rnini bosa boshladilar.

Bu falokat uchun birinchi navbatda imperator Napoleon III javobgar edi. Evropaning ko'p qismini zabt etgan buyuk Napoleonning jiyani, Napoleon III 1852 yildagi to'ntarish natijasida o'zini frantsuzlar imperatori qilib qo'ydi. Viktor Gyugo uni "Kichik Napoleon" deb tan oldi, lekin frantsuz xalqi undan buyuk narsalarni kutishdi. Uning yutuqlari ham ahamiyatsiz emas edi: u Parijni qayta qurdi, biz bilgan shaharni yaratdi va 1853–56 yillardagi Qrim urushida ruslarni (ingliz yordami bilan), 1859 yilda avstriyaliklarni mag'lub qilib, frantsuzlarning ustunligini yana bir bor tasdiqladi. birlashtirish.

Napoleon III 19-asr o'rtalarida Evropaning buyuk buzg'unchisi edi. Afsuski, u va Frantsiya uchun, Reynning sharqida, Germaniyaning yirik Prussiya shtatida bundan ham katta buzg'unchi paydo bo'ldi. Uning ismi Otto von Bismark edi.

1862 yilda Bismark bosh vazir bo'lganida, Prussiya Evropaning "buyuk" kuchlarining eng zaifi edi, bu Germaniya imperiyasi bilan birlashmagan davlatlarning bir qismi edi. Ammo uning qiroli Uilyam I buni keng ko'lamli harbiy islohotlar yo'li bilan tuzatishga qaror qildi va befarq Bismarkni ularni istamagan Prussiya parlamenti orqali boshqarishga tayinladi. Bismark o'z tayinlanishidan so'ng, tarixning eng mashhur ovozlaridan birida o'z nuqtai nazarini ochiq aytdi: "Zamonaning buyuk savollari nutq va ko'pchilik tomonidan emas, balki temir va qon bilan hal qilinadi".

Bismark va Napoleonning umumiyligi juda katta edi. Ikkalasi ham konservativ populistlar edi va ikkalasi ham millatchilikning Evropani qamrab olgan yangi kuchi qo'rqishdan ko'ra ekspluatatsiya qilinadigan narsa ekanligini tan oldilar. Biroq, ularning millatchilik g'ayratidan foydalanishga urinishlari ularni to'qnashuvga olib keldi, bu esa mojaro bilan yakun topdi.

Frantsuz-Prussiya urushi, hozir ma'lum bo'lganidek, 10 oy ichida tugadi, lekin uning oqibatlari nihoyatda uzoq davom etdi. G'olib va ​​yangi birlashgan Germaniyada u militarizmni mag'lubiyatga uchragan va xo'rlangan Frantsiyada hukmron mafkuraga aylantirishga yordam berdi, bu esa qasos olish istagini kuchaytirdi. Bu zaharli tarkibiy qismlar keyingi asrda qon to'kilishining yanada ko'payishiga zamin yaratadi. Ishonch bilan aytish mumkinki, 1870 yilda Napoleon va Bismark ustunligi uchun kurashmaganida, Evropaning 20 -asri haqiqatan ham boshqa yo'lni bosib o'tgan bo'lardi.

Napoleonning uyg'onish qo'ng'irog'i

Frantsuz-Prussiya urushining hisob-kitobi boshqa urushdan boshlandi: 1866 yil, Prussiyaning yangi isloh qilingan armiyasi Avstriyani etti hafta ichida tor-mor keltirdi. Bu Bismarkni uyda oqladi va Evropaga uyg'otuvchi qo'ng'iroq bo'ldi. Prussiya markaziy Evropada hukmron kuchga aylandi va boshqa nemis davlatlari etakchilik uchun Vena emas, Berlinga qarashdi.

Bu Fransiyani dahshatga soldi. Napoleon IIIning vahima qo'zg'atadigan birinchi javobi Lyuksemburgni yoki hatto Belgiyani qo'shib, Frantsiya obro'sini tiklash edi. U Bismarkning roziligini so'radi, lekin rad etildi. 1868 yilda Ispaniya qirolichasi Izabella II ag'darilishi bilan yangi Evropa inqirozi boshlandi. Ispaniyaga yangi monarx kerak edi va bu davrda bo'lgani kabi, Germaniyaning son -sanoqsiz knyazlik uylaridan birining a'zosini tanladi. Afsuski, bu tanlov, Hohenzollern shahzodasi Leopold, Prussiyaning Uilyamiga tegishli edi. Not surprisingly, France went ballistic when this knowledge went public in July 1870. Napoleon III’s government, goaded by domestic opinion, tried to save face by forcing Prussia into vetoing the arrangement. King William was happy to oblige the French, as he had never liked the prospect of a close relative ruling an unstable country like Spain.

There things might have rested, but for the French then overplaying their hand. The French ambassador to Prussia met William at the spa resort of Bad Ems (13 July) and attempted to force a public climbdown, pressing him to block any future Hohenzollern candidacy. This backfired when William politely rebuffed the ambassador.

Bismarck was not present at Bad Ems, but had remained in Berlin, where an account of the exchange reached him in the so-called Ems telegram. Bismarck, in full knowledge of the likely consequences, then edited the telegram, deleting the diplomatic niceties, and released it for publication in the international press. This was Bismarck’s famous red rag, waved at the Gallic bull. The French duly rose to the bait and declared war, amid feverish jubilation on the streets of Paris.

The Franco-Prussian War, despite its name, saw France pitted against a coalition of German states who sided with Prussia. Their inhabitants increasingly saw themselves as fellow Germans and viewed the war against France as a national crusade. Prussia nonetheless provided the overwhelming majority of German forces, as well as the military leadership.

In technological terms, there was little between the belligerents: the French had better infantry rifles, the Prussians superior artillery. What gave the Prussians a decisive advantage was their numerical superiority at the outset, gained by very fast mobilisation, and above all superior military leadership.

“No battle plan ever survives contact with the enemy.” So stated Helmuth von Moltke, the Prussian commander in 1870. Moltke was a new kind of military leader, more manager than charismatic warlord. He presided over the Prussian General Staff, an institution that planned operations and contingencies in peacetime. The regular rotation of staff officers back to their regiments ensured that best practice was spread throughout the army, which meant the overall commander could safely delegate to those best placed to seize opportunities that unfolded once hostilities commenced. This was the answer to the problem highlighted in Moltke’s quote above. Neither the French, nor other armies, operated in this way, and this showed in 1870.

Superior planning and numbers allowed the Prussians to concentrate along France’s eastern frontier. The French, without proper plans, quickly suffered setbacks and these destroyed the morale of Napoleon III, who had unwisely assumed personal command. The only sensible option for the French was to fall back and regroup, but Napoleon could not afford to lose face by retreating. The consequence was a series of major French defeats, starting with Gravelotte-St Privat on 18 August. This would prove the bloodiest engagement of the war, with a casualty rate that was a portent of 20th-century horrors. In just one 20-minute period, the Prussian Guard Corps alone suffered 8,000 men killed or wounded, due to an unholy combination of fast, modern weaponry and outdated attack styles involving massed ranks of men. At least the widespread introduction in this war of ‘dog tags’ – discs worn by soldiers that included their basic details – allowed for the identification of the dead.

Despite horrific losses at Gravelotte-St Privat, the Prussians won, thanks to superior artillery and better manoeuvring. Moltke then trapped most of the French army in the fortress of Metz. Political pressures intervened again on the French side and demanded a rescue effort. This resulted in the battle of Sedan (1–2 September), a second catastrophic French defeat in which Napoleon III himself was captured. News of this debacle reached Paris a few days later and caused regime change. The new republican Government of National Defence filled the political vacuum and proclaimed a war of national resistance.

The Franco-Prussian War now entered a new phase. Prussian forces advanced on Paris, which they besieged from 19 September. The French capital was too strong to be taken by storm, so needed to be starved into submission. While Léon Gambetta escaped to the provinces and raised new armies, irregular volunteers, known as Francstireurs, engaged in guerrilla tactics. The Prussians did not recognise them as legitimate combatants and shot them upon capture, burning down villages suspected of harbouring them.

This messy, dirty war dragged on for the remainder of 1870, to the discomfort of Bismarck who feared international opinion was swinging in favour of France. However, the defeat of Gambetta’s new armies in December meant that Paris was not going to be relieved, and with food running out there was no option but to seek a truce (28 January 1871) which ended the fighting. This created the conditions for French elections to be held, which produced a government with the authority to conclude a preliminary peace on 26 February. Though the new regime’s grip on power was threatened by the so-called Paris Commune, which briefly seized control of the capital in March, it nonetheless ratified the definitive Treaty of Frankfurt on 10 May.

Militarism off the leash

Few who ratified the Treaty of Frankfurt could have guessed the immense impact that the Franco-Prussian War would have on the continent of Europe – an impact that was, in the estimation of future British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli, greater than the French Revolution. Geopolitically, Europe went from having a ‘soft’ centre, made up of lots of small separate states, to one with a hard core: impressed by Prussia’s military leadership, and driven by public opinion, Germany’s smaller states agreed to cede their independence to Berlin and form a single entity, the German empire. The big question that arose – and persists – is how such a powerful state can operate within the wider family of European nations.

Initially, things worked well enough. Bismarck used his undoubted political talents to preserve peace. However, when he fell from power in 1890, the more pernicious legacies of the 1870 war came to the fore, including militarism. All major powers in the late 19th century were militaristic, but newly unified Germany was more so than most. Prussia’s army, which formed the core of Germany’s military, emerged from the 1870 war with immense prestige. With Bismarck gone, no civilian leader had the stature to challenge its primacy. In Germany and across Europe, the military planner was let off the leash.

For France, defeat came as an awful shock made worse by the harsh treaty that followed, which inflicted the loss of the region of Alsace and part of Lorraine, and the payment of a large reparations bill. This humiliation nurtured a desire for revenge. A generation of schoolchildren grew up taught of the injustices of the peace settlement. In the 1890s, France exploited wider European unease at German power by creating an alliance, which in turn made Germany feel cornered.

This combination of militarism and bitterness created the perfect conditions for the next round of Franco-German conflict, the First World War, which on this occasion dragged in the rest of the world. Tragically, the millions of lives lost between 1914 and 1918 resolved nothing – and it was only after countless more died in the Second World War that the architects of Franco-German reconciliation built an edifice that still dominates Europe’s political landscape.

Chief among these architects were West Germany’s chancellor Konrad Adenauer and French president Charles de Gaulle. Both had fathers who fought in the Franco-Prussian War. Both originated from regions that bordered each other’s nations, and which had been contested throughout the centuries. There may or may not have been a sentimental dimension to their thinking.

The two statesmen also calculated that partnership within a European framework would enhance their ability to influence world events now largely shaped by the two new superpowers, America and the Soviet Union. This is what Adenauer meant when he told one of his French interlocutors that “Europe will be your revenge” shortly after the Suez debacle of 1956, when the US forced France and Britain to back down.

Both de Gaulle and Adenauer recognised the futility of the cycle of Franco-German wars initiated a century previously, and on 22 January 1963 concluded the Élysée Treaty, ushering in a new period of Franco-German friendship. Within this treaty’s framework other initiatives have flowed, designed to extend the relationship from the level of the state to society more broadly, through ideas such as youth exchanges, town twinning and joint history textbooks for schoolchildren. Within these textbooks, the Franco-Prussian War is not forgotten, but rather treated as a shared historical experience.

For Europe more broadly, including Britain, the Franco-German partnership as it now stands raises its own questions. Other European countries fear marginalisation when key decisions are essentially agreed beforehand by Paris and Berlin. Deeper integration is proposed as the best way of empowering these other states, and at the same time resolving the issue first created in 1870: how to run a continent with such a hard core. However, this integration process has spawned its own set of problems. Seen in these terms, it is clear that the legacy of the 1870 war still helps determine our continent’s everyday politics and will continue to do so for the foreseeable future.

Michael Rowe is reader in European history at King’s College London


The Wars of Prussia (1792-1871): From the French Revolution to the Franco-Prussian War

Prussia is a country that no longer exists. The last hundred years or so of it’s existence Prussia was one of the most powerful of the several dozen independent German states. Originally founded by the Teutonic Knights, Prussia evolved over several centuries of war with neighboring Poland, Lithuania, Russia, Sweden, Austria, other German states, as well as the old foe in France, to become a very efficient, militarized nation that was able to successfully unite the various pieces of Germany into a single, united German Empire. The following list of Prussian wars shows the progression of wars and conflicts that enabled Prussia to grow. While part of the coalition against the radical French Revolution in the 1790s, and as one of the conservative forces that put down the revolutions of 1830 and 1848, Prussia evolved from an absolute monarchy to one of the more democratic parliamentary monarchies in Europe by the 1870s. With a population that was (compared to most of Europe at the time), fairly well-educated, and possessing a growing industrial economy, Prussia was well-placed to assume leadership of a united Germany. Unfortunately for Germany and the rest of Europe, the hard feelings left over from the Franco-Prussian War would fester and be one of the leading causes of World War One.

Wars of the French Revolution/Napoleonic Wars-The French overthrew their king and created the First Republic. European nations ruled by kings and emperors were shocked and frightened by the overthrow of King Louis, and attempted to end the Revolution.

War of the First Coalition (1792-1795)-Prussia, along with other royal powers who feared the threat represented by the bloody French Revolution against royalty and monarchy, invaded Revolutionary France in an attempt to crush the Revolution and restore the French monarchy to power. France raised huge citizen armies to battle the relatively small, professional armies of the invading powers. The French armies defeated the allied forces and preserved the Revolution.

War of the Fourth Coalition (1806-1807)-Prussia and Austria were defeated by France. Prussia was forced to accept a French army of occupation and had to become an ally of France, contributing troops to his ongoing wars.

Polish Uprising Against Prussia (1806)-The Poles were successful in part because of aid from the French against Prussia.

French Invasion of Russia (1812-1813)-Prussia was a forced ally of France. Some 20,000 Prussian troops accompanied Napoleon’s huge, multi-national army into Russia, the subsequent defeat of Napoleon led to Prussia breaking free of French control and renewing their fight against the French Emperor.

War of the Sixth Coalition (1813-1814)-Prussia joined Russia, Austria, Sweden, and other allied nations in the final push to defeat Napoleon. The Battle of Leipzig in Germany was the turning point, forcing Napoleon to retreat back to France. Allied forces followed, invading France and marching into Paris. Napoleon surrendered and was sent into exile on the island of Elba.

War of the Seventh Coalition (1815)-This was the shortest of the Napoleonic Wars. With Napoleon’s return from exile on the island of Elba, the Coalition powers scrambled to put their armies in the field against Napoleon. Only the British and the Prussians had forces available, and both of these allies marched forward to engage Napoleon and his resurgent French Empire. The British under Wellington, and the Prussians under Blucher met Napoleon on the battlefields of Belgium, near a town called Waterloo. There, in one of the most dramatic battles in history, the British and Prussians put an end to the threat represented by Napoleon.

Polish Uprising of 1830-Though the main focus of the Polish uprising was in the Russian-ruled portion of Poland, a smaller and shorter rebellion took place in Prussian-ruled Poznan.

The First Schleswig War (1848-1851)-The German Confederation, backed by Prussia, attempted to “liberate” the area of Schleswig from Denmark. The German effort failed.

Wars of German Unification

The Second Schleswig War (1864) -Prussia and Austria joined together to fight against Denmark for the Danish territories of Schleswig and Holstein. The two powerful German powers defeated Denmark fairly easily.

The Austro-Prussian War/Seven Weeks War (1866)-The long political, economic, and diplomatic debate over who would dominate the future of Germany was settled in this Seven Weeks’ War as superior Prussian military might defeated the Austrians. One result of this short war was the expulsion of Austria from Germany. Until the forced annexation of Austria into Nazi Germany in the 1930s, Austria was not considered to be a part of the “German Nation.”

The Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871)-This final war of German Unification pitted a united Germany, led by the Kingdom of Prussia, against the Second French Empire, led by Emperor Napoleon III. The united German forces defeated the French and occupied much of France. As a result of this war, all of the German states united into a new German Empire, led by the Prussian king. From this point on, Prussian history is melded into the history of a united Germany. Another result of this war was the harsh terms of peace dictated by the Germans on the French. France had to pay a large financial cost (enforced by German military occupation until it the war debt was paid off), as well as losing two border territories to Germany. The loss of Alsace and Lorraine galled the French and was a major point of hatred toward Germany. The French assumed that a new war with Germany would occur at some point, and they prepared for that day by increasing their military readiness and by entering into a series of alliances with other nations to help them in the future war with Germany. The Germans too, knew that a future war would occur with France, and also planned accordingly. That future war would begin in 1914, and would be known as the First World War. See also: Wars of Germany


Modern Tactics vs. Old World Pomp

One of the reasons that the French folded so quickly was due to the fact that Prussia had quietly been modernizing it’s military but not just in terms of technology. They had been taking notes from the recent military conflicts, including the Crimean War and the American Civil War, and were rapidly incorporating the best of what they were finding into their military strategy.

The new tactics being incorporated were revolutionary and rapidly outmatched the Old World thinking of the French forces. The Prussians used a heavy emphasis on attack, using small squads moving to achieve individual missions rather than being part of one large body of troops. The military doctrine at the time, while changing slowly, was still the old way of large infantry lines, supported by cannon batteries and flanking cavalry charges. In contrast, the Prussians broke down their armies into smaller groups, which were given broad objectives but no specific orders on how to achieve them.

The Prussians also used modern artillery in an offensive capacity to support the advance of the infantry, something that was also relatively new to warfare at the time. Combined with the Germans’ use of rail to move people and supplies around rapidly, this new way of fighting quickly outstripped the old way of fighting in spectacular and bloody fashion.

While Napoleon III was famous (or infamous depending on your perspective) for trying to rebuild and relive the glory days of his uncle Napoleon I, he was not caught completely still. Napoleon III had introduced a precursor to the machine gun to try and stop the fast moving German infantry, and he had a grand plan to mobilize millions of people to the front. The problem was neither of these things was fully realized at the time and were introduced alongside dated flamboyant officer uniforms and heavy use of ill-trained militia to bolster official troop numbers. The German innovations had been better studied and prepared for ahead of time and thus were more effective in this conflict.

The French would refine their advances that were just being brought about in 1870 in World War One with greater use of machine gun nests, artillery, and mass mobilization of the nation. At the time, the rapid and fluid movement of the German armies, combined with their modern and effective artillery, defeated the French army that was very much in a transition period at the time.


Causes for the War

The North German Union counted 24 million Prussians and 6 million other Germans in it’s population. Another 6 million Germans from the South German states were connected with the union by contractual obligations. France received nothing as compensation from the creation of a powerful German state, in terms of the number of inhabitants comparable to the population of France (36 million French). This was imposed on the internal political difficulties of the Emperor Napoleon III and the interest of Prussia in joining the South German kingdoms. Both powers sought to resolve their internal problems by victorious war with each other.

By the summer of 1870 Napoleon III felt the instability of his situation inside France. His influential wife, Empress Eugene, said, pointing to her son: “War is necessary for this child to reign.” Attempts to reach an agreement with Bismarck on the annexation of Luxembourg and even more so Belgium ended in nothing, the expansion of the French Empire in Europe could only take place militarily.

The cause for the conflict arose on July 1, 1870, when the Spaniards invited Prince Leopold from the side branch of the ruling Prussian dynasty Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen to the royal throne. The French, not without reason, saw a threat in the reign of the Hohenzollern dynasty simultaneously in Germany and Spain. On July 6, French Foreign Minister Duke Gramont declared in parliament that the French empire would not hesitate to start a war against Prussia if she “dared resurrect the empire of Charles V”.

Bismarck viewed the pressure of France as a convenient excuse for a war in which Prussia would have been the victim of an aggressive neighbor, but Prussian King William I forced his relative Leopold to officially abandon the Spanish throne. Nevertheless, Napoleon III, under the influence of his closest entourage and a false impression of the state of the French army, decided to accelerate the events. July 13, Paris demanded a written statement from Wilhelm with a commitment not to harm the interests of France in the future. The demand contained deliberate insolence, and the Prussian king refused to give such guarantees, promising to continue negotiations. Bismarck, after consulting with the chief of staff and the minister of war, arbitrarily changed the text on the negotiations for publication in the press in such a way that William refused to discuss the matter with the French ambassador at all. The French perceived it exactly as Bismarck had hoped.

The dynastic dispute turned into a cause for war, the cause of which was in the struggle for political domination in Western Europe. On July 15, the deputies of the French Parliament voted in favor of declaring war by 245 votes to 10. July 19, 1870 at a meeting of the North German Reichstag Bismarck announced the beginning of the war of France against Prussia.


Origins

Success in the latter endeavor would change European power relationships in ways France could hardly be expected to ignore. Contemporary opinion in fact laid primary responsibility for the events of 1870 at the door of Napoleon III, who allegedly forced a conflict to shore up his unstable regime. Beginning in the 1890s, responsibility was increasingly shifted to a Bismarck described as provoking war in the interests of German hegemony: "blood and iron" in a European setting. Late-twentieth-century scholarship emphasizes Bismarck's desire to keep as many options as possible open for as long as possible. He prided himself on being able to step into a situation and stir things up, confident that he could respond to confusion exponentially better than his associates and opponents. In the spring of 1870 he had his chance.

Bismarck's primary objective was resolving the German question in Prussia's favor. The argument that Bismarck's initial approval of Spain's offer of its vacant crown to Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen (a branch of the ruling house of Prussia) was intended to provoke a war overstates Bismarck's belligerence while underrating his self-confidence. The Hohenzollern candidacy was designed to provoke a crisis with France. But it was so managed that at each stage the final initiative, the final choice, remained with Paris. Bismarck recognized that war was an extremely likely outcome of the situation. At the same time he was testing the intentions of the emperor and of France itself.

An international incident is what one of the parties involved wishes to define as an international incident. Negotiating room remained in the first days of July, particularly after Leopold withdrew his candidacy in the face of French hostility. But a French government enjoying its triumph overplayed its hand by demanding that Prussia guarantee the candidacy would not be renewed. Bismarck's negative reply was interpreted in Paris as a justification for a war Bismarck by now also believed inevitable. On 15 July the North German Confederation issued its mobilization orders.


The Siege of Paris during the Franco-Prussian War

Through the first half of 1870 a confrontational fever with Germany spread throughout France. On July 15 Emperor Napoleon III led his nation "into one of the most disastrous wars in her history." (1) The Franco-Prussian conflict did not officially commence until July 19, 1870. In the course of its first weeks it produced a series of demoralizing defeats for the French. The army of Napoleon III "went to war ill-equipped, badly led, trained and organized, and with inferior numbers." (2) On August 19, one French army was trapped in the fortress of Metz and on September 1, the Empire of Napoleon III came crushing down when a second army was captured at Sedan with the Emperor himself. Three days later the news reached Paris and the fall of the Empire was proclaimed. The Empress left for England and a provisional government took power. (3) For the next five months, the "city of lights," as Parisians had proudly proclaimed "the center of the universe," was transformed. It became an army camp--French soldiers, National Guardsmen, volunteers-within, Prussian forces without. Luxuries, and then basic necessities slowly disappeared. Food became scarce, and the inhabitants resorted to edibles normally associated with other species. The government under General Trochu and leaders like Victor Hugo, Jules Favre, and Adolphe Thiers, tried to govern internal as well as external pressures. Finally, on January 27, an armistice was signed. It brought temporary calm to the capital, before the storm of the Paris commune and the second siege arrived.

The new government in Paris, after the defeat at Sedan, was composed in part by publicists, politicians, lawyers, and teachers who had opposed Louis Napoleon's coup d'etat in 1851. "The Government of National Defense" was the official title, and nearly all kinds of political opinions were included, with the exception of the Bonapartists. The actual power rested with the Legitimists, Orleanists, and other conservatives. General Trochu, military governor of Paris and an Orleanist, held the presidency. Others included Leon Gambetta-minister of the Interior, General Le Flo- Minister for War, Jules Favre-Minister of Foreign Affairs and vice-president, Victor Hugo, Count Henri Rochefort-journalist and political enemy of Napoleon III who spent many years in prison, and Adolphe Thiers-the old minister of Louis Phillipe who went on diplomatic missions for the new republic. (4) Besides the day-to-day operation of the government, the three main objectives of the Government of National Defense were the procurement of a favorable peace treaty, enlistment of the aid of foreign powers, and the military preparation of Paris. The first objective got off to a bad start on September 6 when Jules Favre announced, "France would not give up an inch of her territory nor a stone of her fortresses." (5) This attitude went counter to that of Otto Von Bismarck, Chancellor of Germany, who saw the cession of territory as being as indispensable to the Prussians as it was inadmissible to the French. Bismarck demanded the immediate turnover of Alsace-Lorraine as well as Metz, Strasbourg, and Mont-Valerien (the fortress commanding Paris). Bismarck's proposals were rejected and the government was forced to defend the city and continue the war. Negotiations continued however, nothing concrete came out of them until the end of January when Jules Favre was sent to Versailles to discuss the terms of armistice. By this time Paris had been bombarded, food and other essential stores were nearly exhausted, and Prussian victories throughout the rest of France were a daily occurrence.

The armistice was to set up the preliminary conditions for a peace treaty to be signed. Its terms included the surrender of all French fortifications, except those serving as prisons laying down their weapons with the exception of the Army which was to act independently for the maintenance of order, the immediate exchange of prisoners, and Paris was to pay 200,000,000 francs for war reparations within a fortnight. Also, anyone leaving the city needed a French military pass. (6) Back in September, the French government began pursuing the second objective, acquiring foreign aid, when Thiers was sent to England, Austria, and Russia to enlist help. He was sympathetically welcomed, but was unable to shore up any support. Only America showed enthusiasm for the new French Republic, however they were not yet ready to intervene on their behalf. Thiers tried again in October with the same results. From that point on he was used solely as the representative of the French government in the ongoing negotiations with Bismarck. Prior to the investment of Paris, the provisional government made efforts to prepare the military forces of the city. These efforts included: manpower allocations, defensive fortification and supplies. Troops were brought back from the surrounding provinces. General Vinoy's forces, which escaped capture at Sedan, were later consolidated with those of the provinces. Together they became the Provincial Mobile Guard. Meanwhile the National Guard furnished sufficient manpower to increase its size from 90,000 to more than 300,000 men. (7) Another aspect of the military preparation was the establishment of strong defensive fortifications. The forts in the vicinity of Paris were abandoned because it would have required too much work and time to get them ready, and the decision was made to move the defensive lines closer to the city's environs. All forests and wooded areas deemed favorable to enemy advantage were cut. Thus were the forests of Montmorency, Bundy, Boulogne, and Vincennes treated. The allocation of supplies was vital to the defense of Paris. Barracks, hospitals and factories for the manufacture of military hardware were established all over the city. Railway shops became cannon foundries, while tobacco factories became arsenals. The Louvre was transformed into an armament shop after the art gallery was moved for safekeeping. Balloons were constructed at the Orleans railway stations. (8) Hotels, department stores, theaters, and public buildings served as hospitals. The Tuileries and the Napoleon and Empress Circuses became barracks. (9) When in action, all the forces were under the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and subject to military law. Most of these actions centered on small sorties, unassumingly called "reconnaissances." In late September 1870, the objects of the sorties were to test the tenacity of the troops and probe the Prussian circle to determine its vulnerability. As for the Prussians, once the city was surrounded and more troops made available for the siege, the question was whether to bombard the capital or starve it into surrender. In his diary entry for October 8, Crown Prince Frederick states, "we shall certainly have to make up our minds to a bombardment of Paris. but to postpone as long as possible their actual accomplishment, for I count definitely on starving out the city." (10) The bombardment did not begin until January 4. The arrival of the shelling did not panic the Parisians. They had been expecting it since October.

Precautions were taken to protect all works of art. Sandbags were placed in the windows of the Louvre, the School of Fine Arts and other important buildings, while outside monuments were taken underground. The bombardment lasted twenty-three days, usually from two to five hours each night. In the end, the Parisians refused to be intimidated and the psychological advantage of this tactic was lost. The siege of Paris slowly made its impact in an area critical to survival: the economy. According to a correspondent for The Times of London, "Business for France is everywhere broken up, and one-third of the country is devastated and ruined." (11) The first segment to directly feel the enclosure was the import and export activity. In order to survive, Paris needed a self-supporting economy, while also channeling most of its resources for the defense. Factories were now employed in making military necessities, instead of consumer goods. When the siege dragged on, the prospects for a speedy recovery evaporated and finally gave out completely when the bombardment began as some of those factories, in conjunction with other businesses, were damaged. The Prussians might not have been purposely inclined to destroy the French economy, except in one particular area: food consumption. The government's failure to establish a census system early during the siege caused it to miscalculate on its supply of comestibles, playing into the hands of the invaders. The census did not take place until December 30 and it was discovered that Paris contained a population of 2,005,709 residents excluding the armed forces. (12) The government however, did ask foreigners to leave, but the number who did was offset by the arrival of refugees from the provinces. This number of inhabitants and the Prussian encirclement had disastrous consequences. Early in 1870, the price of food had increased and by the start of the Franco-Prussian conflict it was 25 percent higher. (13) Prices did not go much higher because the government announced the number of cattle, sheep, and hogs within Paris to be adequate. However, everyone, even the government, believed the siege would last a very short time, perhaps a maximum of two months. The situation did not change until the early days of October. A few days before October 15, butchers suddenly refused to sell more than a day's ration. On October 15, the official rationing of meat began and continued throughout the entire siege, each portion becoming smaller and smaller. Eventually, nothing was left and Parisians resorted to other types of meat. The first substitute for the regular meat diet was horse. Parisians disdained it, at first, and it took the Horse-Eating Society to inform the public of the advantages to eating horse. When it finally came down to eating them, all breeds were included, from thoroughbred to mules. With time even this type of nourishment became rare, so other meats were introduced into the diet. Dogs, cats, and rats (14) were frequently eaten. The animals of the zoo were added to this diet, including Castor and Pollux, the two elephants that were the pride of Paris. Only the lions, tigers, and monkeys were spared the big cats for the difficulty of approaching them, the monkeys because of "some vague Darwinian notion that they were the relatives of the people of Paris and eating them would be tantamount to cannibalism." (15)

During the middle of January, the government placed bread on the ration list, setting the daily quota at 300 grams for adults and half that amount for children. Parisians then realized that they were on the verge of starvation. As for the Prussians, this meant a quick solution to the conflict as Frederick III writes on his diary entry for January 7, "There is news from Bordeaux that provisions in Paris would be exhausted about the end of January, and at best could only last until early in February. I trust this may be true." (16) The terrible ordeal suffered by Paris between 1870-1871 was not their first, according to a German newspaper story reprinted in The Times. In 1590, Henry IV stood before Paris much like Bismarck was doing, and the city knew nothing worse. According to the story, the people of Paris forgot what meat was and they had to subsist on leaves or roots dug up from under stones. Terrible diseases broke out and in three months 12,000 people died. Bread no longer existed while all the dogs were captured and eaten. (17) The maledictions associated with siege warfare were no strangers to Parisians however, the peace treaty with Germany brought needed relief before the arrival of the Paris Commune with its own set of trials and tribulations.

1. "The French Army and Politics 1870-1970"- pg. 7

3. "The War Against Paris"- pg. 1

4. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 6

6. "The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 283

7. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 22

8. Balloons served to carry the mail and diplomats outside the city safely from Prussian attack. Pigeons were used to carry messages. For more on this aspect of the siege read "Airlift 1870" by John Fisher.

9. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 24

10. "The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 150

11. The Times of London, 1870 edition

12. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 43

14. The price of rats became so high that not everyone could afford this delicacy, which was considered of the highest quality since rats fed on cheese and grains.

15. "The Siege of Paris 1870-1871"- pg. 63

16. "The War Diary of Emperor Frederick III"- pg. 253

17. The Times of London, 1870 edition Bibliography Kranzberg, Melvin. The Siege of Paris, 1870-1871. A Political and Social History. Greenwood Press Publishers. Connecticut. 1950 Tombs, Robert. The War Against Paris- 1871. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. 1981 Allinson, A. R. (translator and editor)- The War Diary of the Emperor Frederick III- 1870-1871. Greenwood Press Publishers. Connecticut. 1926 Horne, Alistair. The French Army and Politics- 1870 to 1970. Peter Bedrick Books. New York. 1984


What were the Consequences of the Franco-Prussian War?

The consequences of the Franco-Prussian war proved very significant in the history of Germany, France and Italy. They were disastrous for Napoleon III and the Second Napoleonic Empire, but on the other hand, they proved highly encouraging to Italy and Germany.

1. The southern states of Germany had taken part in the war in support of Prussia. After the defeat of France at Sedan, these states were freed from the dominance of France. These states were included in the confederation of Germany.

The unification of Germany was completed. A federal constitution was framed. William I, the King of Prussia, was made the Emperor of the German Empire. His coronation was celebrated in the royal palace of Versailles on January 18, 1871.

2. The Franco-Prussian war also completed the unification of Italy. By 1866 all states of Italy had been united into one nation except Rome. This state was under the dominance of Pope. The French army had been staying there since 1849 for the assistance of Pope.

When the war broke out in 1870, Napoleon III called his army back to fight against Prussia. Victor Emmanuel, the king of Piedmont-Sardinia took the advantage of the opportunity and attacked Rome.

The army of Pope was defeated and Rome was captured by Victor Emmanuel. With this victory, the great work of the unification of Italy was completed. Rome became the capital of Italy.

3. The war proved to be the most disastrous in the history of France. The news of the downfall of Napoleon III at Sedan resounded throughout the world. On September 3, 1870 Napoleon III sent the message to Paris:

The army has been defeated and is captive, I myself am a prisoner.”

It meant that Napoleon III was no longer the head of the government of France. People began to shout: “Down with the Empire”, “Long Live the Republic”. The Second Napoleonic Empire was abolished and the Republican leaders proclaimed the Republic in France from the Hotel de Ville. It was called the Third Republic.

4. The treaty of Frankfort sowed the seeds of hostility and enmity between France and Germany. The provisions of the treaty were considerably humiliating to France.

It produced a feeling for avenging the insult in the hearts of the French. This treaty became the base of the foreign policy of Bismarck after 1871. No doubt, this hostility led to the First World War.

In this way, Bismarck completed the great work of the unification of Germany with his farsightedness, ability, and diplomacy. He proved that the problems of the country could be solved only by blood and iron.


The History Guy

This page shows conflicts between France and the "modern" state of Germany, a nation which developed partially as a result of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871. Though France and various German states and political entities fought wars from the time of Charlegmane, those conflicts are not part of this category.

Click on the blue links to access specific pages.

Franco-Prussian War (July 19, 1870 – May 10, 1871)--Major war between the Prussian-led German forces and the Second French Empire. This war helped cause the unification of Germany and paved the way for the ongoing hostility which was a leading cause of World War One.

World War I (1914-1918)

French and Belgian Occupation of the Ruhr Valley (Jan. 11, 1923-August, 1925)--Germany fell behind in war payments to the Allies due to the collapse of the German economy. France and Belgium invade and occupy the industrial Ruhr Valley region of western Germany until the re-payments are complete.

Ikkinchi jahon urushi (1939-1945)


Videoni tomosha qiling: The French All-Out War Against the German Army At Paris I Franco-Prussian War 1870 (Dekabr 2021).

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